History of Amoud University

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Amoud University: The Rebirth of a Public Spirit

Attempts to rebuild the Somali state have floundered and conventional international strategies seem not to produce meaningful
results. Warlords’ and faction leaders’ machinations to create homeland-like mini-states in the provinces, akin to apartheid in South Africa, have also failed to gain the public’s respect and the international community’s recognition. Two of the more “advanced” clanstates have succeeded in restoring peace in most areas of their provinces, but have yet to establish legitimate, functioning, inclusive
institutions. Even some of the ardent supporters of these entities admit that they are corrupt and beyond reform. In their present guise, then,one of them can be a blueprint for National redemption. The alternative has been civic-minded local initiatives to repair community infrastructure, such as schools, hospitals, water, and electricity. These local initiatives have made important contributions to reducing hardship in many communities across the country. However, these and other efforts by non-governmental organizations, whether local or international, have not been able to do more than restore local services. Amoud University is the only known exception to this locally oriented activity. This recently chartered, community-owned institution is also instigating a new debate between localities about national concerns. Before examining the dynamics this event generated, it is necessary to consider the historical background of the Borama community that made the university’s establishment possible. 1/5

Amoud University: Investing in Community Institutions

The idea of establishing a university originated with a small group of Awdal natives living in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Emirates. Four of
these individuals, Abdisalan Ahmed Nur, Hassan Ali Haji, Suliman Ahmed Walhad, and Idris Ibrahim Awaleh, came to Borama in the summer of 1994 to share their idea with local groups. Given the community’s dire need to find resources to support the small community police force and rehabilitate water and electrical services, most citizens considered the proposal to establish a university impractical. The advocates went back to Arabia, but conversations continued in the community. A year later, they returned in another attempt to persuade the community of the value of the venture. This time, the discussions held in Borama and in Hargeisa were encouraging. A small committee was created to plan and organize a workshop in which the proposition would be ventilated. Fifty individuals participated in the deliberations of the workshop, held in Borama on August 6 – 7, 1996, including senior town elders, intellectuals, and other concerned citizens. Participants debated three key issues: the need for and feasibility of the university; proprietorship; and location of the university. The town elders, inspired by the workshop organizers’ commitment, took the lead in affirming the need for a university. Haji Jama Muhumed and Haji Dahir Elmi were key figures. Being pivotal in the development of public schools in Borama since the first one was built, the elders insisted that all major institutions of higher learning in other parts of the world had humble beginnings and Borama’s should not be different. Despite the audience’s skepticism, the elders’ enthusiasm carried the day. By the first evening of the workshop, participants saw the need for a university. Furthermore, they concluded, in line with the modest beginning argument, that Borama natives at home and abroad would have to mobilize the necessary resources to lay the institutions foundation. The item in the workshop that caused the most spirited debate was the university’s name and ownership. The workshop organizers and others felt that the institution should belong to the Samaroon clan. This sectarian attitude was (and is) typical in all regions of the country, even at the time of this writing. Some vocal participants cautioned that it would be difficult to raise money from the local population and the diaspora if the university was not the sole preserve of the Awdal community. However, this feeling did not run as deep as one might have expected, given the conditions in the country. Other workshop participants argued that the university should belong to the community but must be open to all qualified Somali students, regardless of their region of origin. The reasoning behind the inclusive pan-Somali thesis moved many. Consequently, they accepted Amoud as the university’s name. After all, Amoud had been the home of the oldest public schools in northern Somalia. Moreover, the old boarding secondary
school had had a national reputation for academic excellence, and its student body had come from all regions of the country. Once participants reached these agreements, they elected two bodies: the University’s Board of Trustees and its Management Committee, now known as the Technical Support Committee. The members of the Board of Trustees were respected Borama elders. The Technical support Committee (hereafter, Committee) consisted mostly of intellectuals and other professionals, some of whom had taught at the former Somali University in Mogadishu. The Board and the Committee had two strategic short-term objectives: (a) to challenge the community to materially and morally support the establishment of the university (self-reliance on local resources), and (b) to rebuild community trust in public institutions and, consequently, reduce the influence of sectarian ideas. Well-attended public rallies and focused group meetings educated the public about the project. The Committee set a first precedent in self-reliance and each member contributed $150 to the university fund. Next, the Committee invited forty business leaders to a meeting with the Board and the Committee. All invitees appeared for the meeting, and Committee members broached the university idea and their plans for self-reliance. Once initial introductions had taken place, a leading businessman thanked the group for its efforts and invited his colleagues to take the lead in the venture. The business people agreed to donate $8,000 to the fund. 2/5

 

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As the community’s support surged, the Board and the Committee traveled to Hargeisa. They jointly petitioned the authorities to transfer ownership of the dilapidated former Amoud Secondary School property to the university. The authorities granted the community its wish. The Board and Committee then focused their attention on repairing the eight-kilometer gravel road that links Borama and Amoud. Many members of the community contributed labor and machinery to fix the road. The total cost of the repairs was over $8,500, of which the university paid $350. Earlier, looters had completely vandalized the former intermediate school buildings, stealing all removable parts, such as roofing material, doors, and window frames. This was the fate of many public and private properties in all parts of the country during the civil war. As people fled the war, bandits stole whatever they could, often destroying valuables they could not take with them. Such acts of banditry came to
be known as bililiqo. The school buildings were completely ruined, except for the principal’s house, which was saved by a family occupying it. In contrast, the old secondary school, less than one kilometer away, sustained minimal damage. Once Borama elders and the families who lived around the school realized what had happened to the
intermediate school, they protected the properties of the secondary school by taking residence in the buildings. 3/5

 

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Further, they hid away all school materials, such as books and furniture. In one instance, a known Borama resident stole a window frame from the school. When the guardian families discovered the missing frame, they went to town, confronted the thief, and demanded the return of the frame. The thief refused. Fearing that the standoff would lead to violence that sectarian entrepreneurs could exploit, the elders intervened and purchased the frame back from the thief. Although the guardian families and the elders were worried that, by buying the stolen frame, they might be setting a precedent and encouraging other thieves to follow suit, fortunately no more stealing occurred. The only other damage the secondary school buildings sustained was from the elements because nearly all glass windows were shattered early on during the civil war. The families living on and around the campus had turned two of the old classrooms into a school for their children, and university authorities permitted the community to use the building until a primary school could be built in the neighboring area. Moreover, families were allowed to continue to live in the school’s residential compounds until they found proper accommodation. The university employed as groundskeepers those who had protected the property, and promised that their children could attend the university, providing they were academically qualified. Finally, the administration decided to slowly reclaim all school land from trespassers. (Some of the latter will become well-known and well-off Borama natives, within the next few years.) The university’s considerate and non confrontational approach to solving social problems has endeared the budding institution to the community. The date for Amoud University’s first entrance examination, to be held in Borama, was announced. Sixty-nine students qualified to enroll in preparatory courses. In September 1997, they began a year long remedial course in basic sciences, English, and mathematics. Since university facilities were still under repair, these courses were conducted at the Sheikh Ali Jowhar Secondary School in the town. Borama citizens in Arabia bought and shipped textbooks (six subjects) to the students. After completing their pre-university courses, forty-seven of the students received satisfactory grades that qualified them for entrance. Currently, students pay a monthly tuition fee of $15 that covers a fraction of the university’s operating costs. The pace of activity increased as the opening date drew closer, and classroom, library, and office repairs neared completion. Organized
women’s groups played a significant role in these preparations; they poured onto the campus in large numbers to prepare the buildings for use. Two of the three classroom buildings, each consisting of four lecture halls, the library (which was completely renovated and expanded), and staff offices were in mint condition before the university was formally inaugurated. A local manufacturer produced the classroom tables and chairs at a generous discount, and the Committee
bought two buses to transport students since the campus was several kilometers from town and boarding facilities had not been restored yet. Somalis in the Middle East paid $18,000 to get the buses to Borama in time for the school’s opening. The university needed two drivers for its buses, and the Committee consciously used the hiring process as a trust building exercise. A committee of ten people was selected of which five members were designated watchdogs of the five examiners. The monitors’ duty was to insure that applicants received fair treatment. Such transparency was necessary because people did not have confidence that this competitive hiring process could produce a just outcome. The university advertised the posts in the local media; twenty-three applicants met basic requirements. Each candidate was interviewed and tested on
traffic rules. Only eight candidates qualified to proceed to the next stage of elimination. The committee then announced to the community
the date of the road test, and many people came to witness it. Three candidates were selected as the best drivers. The university employed
two of them and placed the third on a waiting list. After the monitors had concurred with the selection, the onlookers applauded and
declared the process fair and professional.
The university and the hiring committee earned much public trust for the unbiased, professional way that they conducted this minor, but
foundational, event. The symbolic value of this association of the university with professionalism and fair management of public affairs was enormous. Now, the community calls on the university’s services when public issues are at stake, or demands that others emulate the university’s practice when carrying out responsibilities. The Board and the Committee set the inaugural date for November 4, 1998, and invited 300 guests from the region to the opening ceremony. Senior authorities from Hargeisa came to give their blessings to the university and donated $5,000. The occasion turned into a major
celebration, with nearly 4,000 people, rather than only the 300 invitees. Most Borama businesses closed for the day. Many spectators compared the crowd’s joyous mood to the sentiment people expressed during the commemoration of independence in past decades. The university
leaders announced that November 4, 1998, marked the beginning of a new and important chapter in Somali history. They told the audience that all resources that helped establish the university (except for book donations to the library from Book Aid International) came from Borama citizens or other Somalis in the region and the diaspora. They challenged leaders in the audience to heed their civic duty to harness the enormous latent energy in communities to promote the public good. Students began their classes the day after the inaugural ceremony. All registered for twelve credit hours. College English, Introductory
Psychology, and Biology were taught during this first term. Spring semester course offerings included Algebra, English, Somali Literature, and Psychology. The university has two departments, education and business administration. Education was selected as a foundational discipline due to the country’s dire need for qualified schoolteachers. However, the community and the administration intend to reverse an old Somali educational tradition in which all university graduates expect to obtain positions in government. By contrast, it is hoped that those majoring in business administration will secure employment in established private enterprises or create their own businesses. Other disciplines envisaged for the future include public administration, public health and medicine, veterinary medicine, and agriculture. Twelve lecturers, including the university’s two administrators, teach in the degree program. Three of them lectured at the former Somali University, and the chief administrator of Amoud University, Suliman A. Gulaid, was a former Dean of the College of Education at the Somali National University in the early 1980s. Earlier, he had been the principal of Amoud Secondary School from 1970 – 71, while his deputy, Farah Shuun, taught English at Somalia’s College of Education. Seven of the other instructors hold M.A. degrees. In addition, the pre-university program has three teachers. Other staff members include a registrar, librarian, eight groundskeepers, drivers, and
watchmen. Staff salaries range from $100 to $500 per month. Since the university does not have a wealthy benefactor, its ability to pay staff on time depends on contributions from the local population and the diaspora. 4/5

 

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Thus, the institution operates on a shoestring budget. Nearly all faculty and staff members are from the Awdal region, but
three instructors in the degree and pre-university programs are not originally from Borama. Until last year, all Board of Trustees and Technical Support Committee members were from Borama. Awdal natives also dominate the student population. Only three of the fifty first-year students are from other regions. The distribution of students in the
1999 – 2000 class has become slightly more diverse in regional terms. Ten of the sixty-two students are from as far away as Mogadishu. The
class of 2000 – 01 is expected to be more diverse. Gender balance remains skewed. There are only fifteen female students at the University. According to university policy, any Somali student who passes the entrance examination will be accepted. However, the problem is that most students live in regions where the university cannot conduct the entrance examination. As a result, Borama natives dominate the student
body. This year’s entrance examination was conducted in two locations: Borama and Hargeisa. The addition of more examination centers in other regions will help to further diversify the regional distribution of the students. In fact, many areas in the country have asked for such centers. Somali communities in other zones are putting growing
pressure on the university to expand and rehabilitate boarding facilities speedily so that students from outside Borama can be accommodated. University administrators are particularly sensitive to the gender gap in its student population. Local women activists have been urging authorities to quickly develop a strategy to narrow this gap. Both groups agree that a major factor in girls’ low enrollment in high
schools, and consequently the university, is the heavy responsibilities girls bear in families. Such a burden in the family has become more exacting since Somalia’s disintegration. For instance, the ever-increasing rate of male unemployment, now estimated to be about 70 percent, and excessive male consumption of kat, 37 have forced women to become their family’s main income earners. Income-generating activities take mothers out of the home, compelling daughters to take over
their mother’s responsibilities. In some cases, this means daughters do not attend school. In other situations, they are permitted to go to school, but they are still expected to manage many daily family chores. As a result, they have little study time. These conditions have reduced girls’ enrollment in schools and negatively affected their classroom performance. A few women activists and a fledgling institution cannot immediately rectify these serious social problems. However,
university administrators have taken some initial steps by creating tutoring and other special programs to help prepare girls for the entrance examination. Amoud University faces many challenges that may altogether undermine its existence. Two of the most formidable risks are the following: first, the university’s shallow financial base and the possibility that sectarian entrepreneurs in other regions may try to duplicate the university and, therefore, undercut its national and civic scope, and second, divisive local elements may subvert its inclusive identity.
Despite these dangers, Amoud has already made its mark on the national map.

The question is how significant the mark is locally and nationally in terms of rebuilding shared values and public institutions that cater to the Somali community’s common interest?

Abdirahman. Ismail. Samatar - Bildhaan Vol 1 (2001) 5/5

 

[Awdalite]

Good news that Professor Maxamed M Jibril took over as President. Hopefully he will do better than Professor Salebaan.

I wonder how far the university is from the ancient valley of old Amoud. I read the university sent a scout team to research the ancient surroundings in the area of Old Amoud. Would be interesting to see what they could have found.

 

[Hotchick12]

I remember going to amoud for Eid when I was 12