Xamar/HAG’s economic model runs circles around Kacaan and its offshoots. The northern mafias kept Kacaan's import/export dependency. Except they don't even export anything.
3 years ago My isaaq coworker tried opening a poultry farm in Hargeysa. SL officials blocked and sabotaged it. Why? Because some higher up monopolizes egg imports and kills any and every competition on sight.
Hargeysa, Garoowe and Djibouti’s whole system leech off import/port duties(+ aid) that breeds monopolies/oligarchies and choke any real economical growth.
Don’t just take my word for it. The results speak for themselves.
Zero conflict Hargysa same shot
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Same exact road. 12 years apart. And everybody knows Xamar’s still fighting off Al-Shabaab and Wahhabi fanatics daily
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Even GM started copying Xamar’s pro-business model in the last 2 years and the results are already showing
Warshado maleh soomaaliya iyo waa dal aan waxba dunida u iib gayn karin ha...
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I like that FGS is diversifying its taxe base beyond the lazy anti-business import model, slashing corporate tax in half, lowering tariffs, and tapping into personal income.
bUt TaX aVoIdAnCe bRo. fGs CoRrUpTiOn bRo
Who cares? As long as small and mid-sized businesses are growing.
FGS need to work on security, find cheap sources of energy and establish free economical zone. The far less corrupt private sector will do the rest. Fuk ur state-owned commie enterprises that kills competition.
If they really need a quick source of cash , then oil/gas and other natural resources should be their focus. Anything away from small & midsize businesses.
There aren’t actual monopolies in Somaliland what likely happened in that poultry case is tied to licensing and registration requirements, which tend to be stricter compared to Mogadishu. The cost of acquiring licenses is what drives many to operate informally. That’s probably what your colleague was referring to.
Business licensing, however, brings significant income to the government.
This is why I believe struggling businesses should receive targeted tax exemptions, capped taxation, and even government grants for license acquisition to help encourage formalization and stimulate growth.
Also, let’s be clear: Somaliland has a growing poultry sector. Over the last 2–3 years, they’ve worked to develop a proper value chain including storage, processing, and local production. In fact, poultry farms now outnumber traditional livestock farms in some areas.
There are a number of well-known poultry operations: Mandeeq Poultry, Someggs Poultry, Tooyo Poultry, Mahuraan Poultry, Lootah Hargeisa Chicken, and others.
Even small youth-run poultry businesses are starting and thriving.
As for the broader economy Hargeisa actually has the second-highest number of registered businesses in Somalia (31,000), just after Mogadishu (50,000). So it’s incorrect to claim it’s anti-business. Benadir administration also issues licenses and taxes businesses. Both cities operate on a similar model in that regard.
Hargaisa is pretty much similar to Mogadishu's transformation, If you look at the recent renovations of Hargeisa’s central business district it has modern buildings, palm tree boulevards, renovated roads, you’d see it’s thriving.
You can watch the whole video to see how it's shaped out.
Same road in Hargeisa only a few months apart
How it looks now:
How it used to look:
Same with Garowe, which has undergone a transformation through local revenue funded infrastructure and public works.
There are no real monopolies or oligarchies in Somalia what we have is a network of competing enterprises, community-run businesses, and cooperatives. Trying to interpret Somalia’s economic ecosystem through a Western shareholder-capitalist lens completely misses how things actually function here.
In fact, Puntland and Somaliland receive far less international aid compared to FGS, and they fund most of their governance through domestic revenue.
Puntland, in particular, has the most diversified tax base in the country: mobile money tax, property tax, business tax, transportation levies they’ve built an internally sustainable model.
Meanwhile, FGS is still largely reliant on customs duties and donor aid, with a narrow tax base and poor returns.
The Kacaan government actually had a broad tax system. It supplemented trade taxes with revenue from state-owned enterprises, business profits, tolls and even export levies. That’s what allowed it to fund public services and infrastructure.
This brings me to income tax. I’ve seen how income taxes cripple livelihoods in Somali regions like the NFD and the Ogaden before the regime change. People already pay out-of-pocket for everything healthcare, education, security, even roads. Now you want the government to tax their salaries too, and still not provide anything in return?
I’m not saying income tax should be permanently off the table, but for now, it’s neither practical nor justifiable. We need to build trust and capacity first. Once wage levels rise and the state can actually offer services, then income taxation will be less burdensome and more acceptable.
Also, given the high informality of the economy, enforcing income tax would be costly and inefficient right now. It’s better to tax where money already moves visibly: trade, large enterprises, mobile transfers, and real property.