Deni wants to make Woqoyi Bari fail as a state. I would rather Deni fail than have Woqooyi Bari fail. Deni is a traitor to Hartinimo as demonstrated by the deal he made with iidoor to release prisoners from Puntland and by his decision to hold meetings with iidoor in Nairobi. Dirty fat qaxbad.
Deni is the one who had two years to make a deal with Dhulbahante who were ready to give him anything he asked for. Fidhiye came to Garowe twice asking him to visit and that the people were ready to welcome him. They asked him to take the lead in the state building process. He refused. He told them " Sool is Puntland, whatever state you build I will oppose." Waa wax dhintay oo dhaqan reer koonfur leh. Nasab ma aha.
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Langabka uma lico iyo doqonka litaye@Libaax-Joore
You are almost 50 years old, but still stuck on using school yard kids insults.. Didn’t your brain develop beyond primary school stage?![]()
There not in Jidaali they are in dhoob a bordering place they can’t even pass biyo guduud.You think they’re in these places? What’s your sources![]()
There appears to be a fundamental inconsistency in the political discourse surrounding recent engagements. If Firdhiye, the leader in Laascaanood, group north eastern state is permitted to enter into agreements with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who hails from the Hawiye clan then why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?
Both Hawiye and Isaaq are Somali clans, neither of which are part of the Darood group of clans To suggest that dealing with one is legitimate while engagement with the other is somehow treacherous is, in effect, a politicised double standard rather than a matter of principle. One cannot argue that Isaaq are more objectionable than Hawiye, nor vice versa, in the context of Somali clan dynamics. Indeed, historically, Majerteen and Isaaq have not been enemies. On the contrary, they have enjoyed periods of cooperation and mutual respect.
In the early 1980s, SNM and SSDF briefly shared common objectives. Later, statesmen such as the late president Cadde Muuse AUN and President Dahir Rayale Kahin worked earnestly to ensure that blood would not be shed over Laascaanood, recognising the tragic futility of inter clan warfare.
Today, the dynamics in Laascaanood are far more complex. The Isaaq have lost military control of the town, but the vacuum has not been filled by Puntland or traditional Darood leadership. Instead, another entity WB largely seen as politically aligned with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is now asserting authority there, effectively serving as a political Trojan horse to advance Mogadishu's centralist agenda. At least that is what we know so far, if WB and Puntland were on the same side and if WB said no to Mogadishu, then it would be better.
This brings us to a crucial point: If Firdhiye’s alignment with HSM is not construed as betrayal of Hartinimo and Darood unity, then by what logic can Deni’s political overtures toward the Isaaq be condemned as such? It is a contradiction that underscores the broader constitutional and political crisis currently engulfing the Federal Republic of Somalia indeed.
President Hassan Sheikh’s ongoing dispute with Puntland over the constitutional process, and his growing centralisation of power, should be viewed with deep concern. His return to power would constitute a strategic setback not merely for Puntland, but also for Somaliland, Jubbaland, and the broader federal vision for Somalia. It would represent a victory solely for HSM and his political allies, while the rest of the federation stands to lose ground for now.
If, hypothetically, President Hassan Sheikh were to deploy the SNA or seek AMISOM involvement in Laascaanood, this would no longer be a distant political crisis it would become an immediate threat in Puntland’s own backyard. because laascanood is seen as Puntland sphere if iflunance indeed.
The situation is very different in Sanaag where idoors have been expanding heavily since the 90s.Cumar Maxamud controlled Docol, Wargalo, Bandiiradleey, and Galinsoor for nine months before USC accepted the peace treaty. Idoors are doing a similar strategy by extending their presence in Jiidaale, Biyogaduud, and other nearby towns. Harti Waqooyi gave idoors time to regroup and bring reinforcements from Burco and Hargeysa.
Viva Somaliland iyo beesha issaqIt is simple. Hawiye is pro Somalia, iidoor are not. Permanent peace can be achieved with Hawiye, iidoor must be defeated militarily and forcibly held down with a boot on their neck.
Problems between Hawiye and Daarood are, in principle, resolvable. Problems between Isaaq and Daarood are, in principle, irresolvable. This is why I don't even think that there should be any discussions or negotiations with Isaaq, only bullets.
It is simple. Hawiye is pro Somalia, iidoor are not. Permanent peace can be achieved with Hawiye, iidoor must be defeated militarily and forcibly held down with a boot on their neck.
Problems between Hawiye and Daarood are, in principle, resolvable. Problems between Isaaq and Daarood are, in principle, irresolvable. This is why I don't even think that there should be any discussions or negotiations with Isaaq, only bullets.
Enjoy your fantasy sxb bc this ain’t happening in the real worldThe situation is very different in Sanaag where idoors have been expanding heavily since the 90s.
They control Jiidali, Dhoob & Dhuurmadare today.and are building more settlements east of Ceerigaabo.
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If Firdhiye, the leader in Laascaanood, group north eastern state is permitted to enter into agreements with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who hails from the Hawiye clan then why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?
What exclusive advantages does Deni present to Firdhiye that HSM is unable to?
why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?
sn’t starve to death by paying troops salaries and allowing Kastumos to import via Puntland ports with tax exemptions.
If you were in Firdhiye's shoes, what path would you follow to achieve legal federal status for your region?
Which destination do you favor:
Muqdisho, the federal capital of Somalia, or Garowe, the administrative center of one of Somalia's federal states?
As the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud maintains the sole authority to recognize regions such as Sool and Sanaag as federal entity.
Deni holds the office of president of the federal state of Puntland.
His jurisdiction is confined to the governance of Puntland, and he does not possess the constitutional authority to grant federal status upon any territories. Such decisions fall within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government of Somalia.
What exclusive advantages does Deni present to Firdhiye that HSM is unable to?
Insisting on elaborating on obvious things is both unnecessary and counterproductive.
@Malsi ma tukade that abdullahi said samatar is talking about is Yusuf sultanreer bari got funny nickname