Maamul goboledka cusub Waqooyi-Bari (north east state)- the newest federal state in Somalia

Deni wants to make Woqoyi Bari fail as a state. I would rather Deni fail than have Woqooyi Bari fail. Deni is a traitor to Hartinimo as demonstrated by the deal he made with iidoor to release prisoners from Puntland and by his decision to hold meetings with iidoor in Nairobi. Dirty fat qaxbad.

Deni is the one who had two years to make a deal with Dhulbahante who were ready to give him anything he asked for. Fidhiye came to Garowe twice asking him to visit and that the people were ready to welcome him. They asked him to take the lead in the state building process. He refused. He told them " Sool is Puntland, whatever state you build I will oppose." Waa wax dhintay oo dhaqan reer koonfur leh. Nasab ma aha.

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There appears to be a fundamental inconsistency in the political discourse surrounding recent engagements. If Firdhiye, the leader in Laascaanood, group north eastern state is permitted to enter into agreements with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who hails from the Hawiye clan then why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?


Both Hawiye and Isaaq are Somali clans, neither of which are part of the Darood group of clans To suggest that dealing with one is legitimate while engagement with the other is somehow treacherous is, in effect, a politicised double standard rather than a matter of principle. One cannot argue that Isaaq are more objectionable than Hawiye, nor vice versa, in the context of Somali clan dynamics. Indeed, historically, Majerteen and Isaaq have not been enemies. On the contrary, they have enjoyed periods of cooperation and mutual respect.


In the early 1980s, SNM and SSDF briefly shared common objectives. Later, statesmen such as the late president Cadde Muuse AUN and President Dahir Rayale Kahin worked earnestly to ensure that blood would not be shed over Laascaanood, recognising the tragic futility of inter clan warfare.


Today, the dynamics in Laascaanood are far more complex. The Isaaq have lost military control of the town, but the vacuum has not been filled by Puntland or traditional Darood leadership. Instead, another entity WB largely seen as politically aligned with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is now asserting authority there, effectively serving as a political Trojan horse to advance Mogadishu's centralist agenda. At least that is what we know so far, if WB and Puntland were on the same side and if WB said no to Mogadishu, then it would be better.


This brings us to a crucial point: If Firdhiye’s alignment with HSM is not construed as betrayal of Hartinimo and Darood unity, then by what logic can Deni’s political overtures toward the Isaaq be condemned as such? It is a contradiction that underscores the broader constitutional and political crisis currently engulfing the Federal Republic of Somalia indeed.


President Hassan Sheikh’s ongoing dispute with Puntland over the constitutional process, and his growing centralisation of power, should be viewed with deep concern. His return to power would constitute a strategic setback not merely for Puntland, but also for Somaliland, Jubbaland, and the broader federal vision for Somalia. It would represent a victory solely for HSM and his political allies, while the rest of the federation stands to lose ground for now.


If, hypothetically, President Hassan Sheikh were to deploy the SNA or seek AMISOM involvement in Laascaanood, this would no longer be a distant political crisis it would become an immediate threat in Puntland’s own backyard. because laascanood is seen as Puntland sphere if iflunance indeed.
 

Libaax-Joore

Beesha haplogroup e-by8081
VIP
@Thegoodshepherd baqti baqti dhaleey the founder of SSDF was Osman mohamud it was founded right after afweyne took over the country abahaagi kabaha toljireey was 😂 jabhada SSDF reerka kaliya shagaan karo lahanshaheeda wa beesha osman mohamud


🫡Aasaasihii SSDF, Cusmaan Nuur Cali Qonof oo Dowladii Kacaanka, ka dhigtay Ninka loogu baadi-goob badan yahay Soomalida (Most Wanted)
hay’adihii Amniga Qaranka ee Kacaanka, ayaa meel walba ka dhigay Wargelin iyo Ogeysiis, lagu raad joogo.
Wuxuu soo noqday, Wasiirkii Cadaalada Somalia, ka hor intii uusan ka gadoodin Maamulkii Madaxweyne Maxamed Siyaad Barre.
Majeerteen - Cismaan Maxamuud
IMG_9312.jpeg
 

Thegoodshepherd

Galkacyo iyo Calula dhexdood
VIP
There appears to be a fundamental inconsistency in the political discourse surrounding recent engagements. If Firdhiye, the leader in Laascaanood, group north eastern state is permitted to enter into agreements with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who hails from the Hawiye clan then why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?


Both Hawiye and Isaaq are Somali clans, neither of which are part of the Darood group of clans To suggest that dealing with one is legitimate while engagement with the other is somehow treacherous is, in effect, a politicised double standard rather than a matter of principle. One cannot argue that Isaaq are more objectionable than Hawiye, nor vice versa, in the context of Somali clan dynamics. Indeed, historically, Majerteen and Isaaq have not been enemies. On the contrary, they have enjoyed periods of cooperation and mutual respect.


In the early 1980s, SNM and SSDF briefly shared common objectives. Later, statesmen such as the late president Cadde Muuse AUN and President Dahir Rayale Kahin worked earnestly to ensure that blood would not be shed over Laascaanood, recognising the tragic futility of inter clan warfare.


Today, the dynamics in Laascaanood are far more complex. The Isaaq have lost military control of the town, but the vacuum has not been filled by Puntland or traditional Darood leadership. Instead, another entity WB largely seen as politically aligned with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is now asserting authority there, effectively serving as a political Trojan horse to advance Mogadishu's centralist agenda. At least that is what we know so far, if WB and Puntland were on the same side and if WB said no to Mogadishu, then it would be better.


This brings us to a crucial point: If Firdhiye’s alignment with HSM is not construed as betrayal of Hartinimo and Darood unity, then by what logic can Deni’s political overtures toward the Isaaq be condemned as such? It is a contradiction that underscores the broader constitutional and political crisis currently engulfing the Federal Republic of Somalia indeed.


President Hassan Sheikh’s ongoing dispute with Puntland over the constitutional process, and his growing centralisation of power, should be viewed with deep concern. His return to power would constitute a strategic setback not merely for Puntland, but also for Somaliland, Jubbaland, and the broader federal vision for Somalia. It would represent a victory solely for HSM and his political allies, while the rest of the federation stands to lose ground for now.


If, hypothetically, President Hassan Sheikh were to deploy the SNA or seek AMISOM involvement in Laascaanood, this would no longer be a distant political crisis it would become an immediate threat in Puntland’s own backyard. because laascanood is seen as Puntland sphere if iflunance indeed.

It is simple. Hawiye is pro Somalia, iidoor are not. Permanent peace can be achieved with Hawiye, iidoor must be defeated militarily and forcibly held down with a boot on their neck.

Problems between Hawiye and Daarood are, in principle, resolvable. Problems between Isaaq and Daarood are, in principle, irresolvable. This is why I don't even think that there should be any discussions or negotiations with Isaaq, only bullets.
 
Cumar Maxamud controlled Docol, Wargalo, Bandiiradleey, and Galinsoor for nine months before USC accepted the peace treaty. Idoors are doing a similar strategy by extending their presence in Jiidaale, Biyogaduud, and other nearby towns. Harti Waqooyi gave idoors time to regroup and bring reinforcements from Burco and Hargeysa.
The situation is very different in Sanaag where idoors have been expanding heavily since the 90s.
They control Jiidali, Dhoob & Dhuurmadare today.and are building more settlements east of Ceerigaabo.
1756710144814.png
1756710179965.png
 

Libaax-Joore

Beesha haplogroup e-by8081
VIP
It is simple. Hawiye is pro Somalia, iidoor are not. Permanent peace can be achieved with Hawiye, iidoor must be defeated militarily and forcibly held down with a boot on their neck.

Problems between Hawiye and Daarood are, in principle, resolvable. Problems between Isaaq and Daarood are, in principle, irresolvable. This is why I don't even think that there should be any discussions or negotiations with Isaaq, only bullets.
Viva Somaliland iyo beesha issaq
IMG_9316.jpeg
 
It is simple. Hawiye is pro Somalia, iidoor are not. Permanent peace can be achieved with Hawiye, iidoor must be defeated militarily and forcibly held down with a boot on their neck.

Problems between Hawiye and Daarood are, in principle, resolvable. Problems between Isaaq and Daarood are, in principle, irresolvable. This is why I don't even think that there should be any discussions or negotiations with Isaaq, only bullets.


It is rather senseless to adopt a stance of being either "pro-Somalia" or "anti-Somalia" in such binary terms. The Isaaq are, from our perspective, an integral part of Somalia. In fact, many would argue that the Isaaq tend to demonstrate greater reason and pragmatism than the Hawiye. if you want to reach a solution.


Culturally and socially, the Isaaq and the Darood share deeper affinities and values, perhaps more so than either does with the Hawiye. If the relationship between the Hawiye and Darood were as harmonious as some suggest, many of Somalia's enduring challenges would likely have been resolved long ago. Yet, we continue to witness persistent disputes between the twowhether over Jubbaland, Galkacyo, Puntland, or even the very structure of the national constitution.


These tensions reflect divergent visions for the country: federalism versus centralism, and in some cases, outright secession. The Isaaq seek secession, the Majerteen advocate for federalism or even confederalism, while the Hawiye appear to favour a centralised system. Each position represents a fundamentally different interpretation of Somalia’s future, and to conflate them would be to overlook the real and significant distinctions that shape the political landscape. i for one believe even if Somaliland secedes it would been closer to Somalia then even DJibouti because it has first hand experiance.
 
If Firdhiye, the leader in Laascaanood, group north eastern state is permitted to enter into agreements with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who hails from the Hawiye clan then why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?

If you were in Firdhiye's shoes, what path would you follow to achieve legal federal status for your region?

Which destination do you favor:
Muqdisho, the federal capital of Somalia, or Garowe, the administrative center of one of Somalia's federal states?

As the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud maintains the sole authority to recognize regions such as Sool and Sanaag as federal entity.

Deni holds the office of president of the federal state of Puntland.
His jurisdiction is confined to the governance of Puntland, and he does not possess the constitutional authority to grant federal status upon any territories. Such decisions fall within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government of Somalia.

What exclusive advantages does Deni present to Firdhiye that HSM is unable to?

:) Insisting on elaborating on obvious things is both unnecessary and counterproductive.
 
What exclusive advantages does Deni present to Firdhiye that HSM is unable to?

Protecting his Kastumo people’s big butt from being violated again by idoor for one, and making sure Las Caano doesn’t starve to death by paying troops salaries and allowing Kastumos to import via Puntland ports with tax exemptions.

The Kastumos and your Dhuxul folks are so used to our brotherly support that both yall crashed out when we refused to attack Cerigabo and crush idoors like we did in Goojacade. :camby:
 
why is it considered controversial or even impermissible for President Said Abdullahi Deni to pursue dialogue with Ciiro President of Somaliland or political arrangements with representatives of the Isaaq such as Buurmadow and others,?

Your focus seems to be solely on Deni's preferences and concerns , without consideration of the other parties involved in this conflict.

Let's momentarily leave aside the Dhulbahante, who also reside in Sanaag and Ceerigaabo.

In view of warsangeli’s apparent sidelining, can Deni’s arrangement with Ciiro and Buurmadow be considered acceptable?
(since Somaliland still claims that Warsangeli lands are part of Somaliland and thousands of Warsangelis have been expelled from Ceerigaabo).

Did you asked yourself What is the Warsangali clan's stance on Deni's arrangement with Cirro?

As a direct result of the accord between Deni and Cirro, hundreds of delegates from the Warsangali community journeyed to Laascaanood to participate in the establishment of the Northeastern Federal Member State of Somalia.
 
sn’t starve to death by paying troops salaries and allowing Kastumos to import via Puntland ports with tax exemptions.
If you were in Firdhiye's shoes, what path would you follow to achieve legal federal status for your region?

Which destination do you favor:
Muqdisho, the federal capital of Somalia, or Garowe, the administrative center of one of Somalia's federal states?

As the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud maintains the sole authority to recognize regions such as Sool and Sanaag as federal entity.

Deni holds the office of president of the federal state of Puntland.
His jurisdiction is confined to the governance of Puntland, and he does not possess the constitutional authority to grant federal status upon any territories. Such decisions fall within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government of Somalia.

What exclusive advantages does Deni present to Firdhiye that HSM is unable to?

:) Insisting on elaborating on obvious things is both unnecessary and counterproductive.


What is this recognition of hsm we put so much weigh to ,, Puntland fought for laascanood and Dhulbahante in the battle of goojacadde . Puntland stood with khatumo in their hour of need no on else would, this mammuul gobolleed recognition isnt a legal thing. or a poliical thing. Puntland recognition of khatumo as a separate state is far more significant , had khatumo just sided with Puntland and jubbaland , Khatumo would be automatically be seen as a powerful house to be recknoned with, Now khatumo is just being used by Culusow against their own brothers., if i was khatumo i would hold talks with NGO agencies in Nairobi i would avoid hsm which is a dying goverment year left. in that mean time i would work towards securing laascanoood lasqoray uniting warsangali and dhulbahante focus on state building instutitions etc , and security , and once culusos is gone and a new goverment is in place u can engage with mogadishu again that i would do
 

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