TekNiKo
Loyal To The One True Caliph (Hafidahullah)
Some argue that the deep rooted Islamic religious and cultural traditions associated with khat consumption have persisted from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Anderson et al 2007: 3). Tradition was referred to by a number of the participants in our study as a justification for the halal position of khat. For example a Victorian Somali woman in our study observed: ‘it has been used generation by generation … It’s been used in the Qu’ran; it’s been used in religious occasions.’ While in response to the question: ‘Why can't you live without khat?’, a Victorian Somali man commented: ‘because it is our tradition, it is our way of life, we grow up with it - we enjoy it a lot. It doesn't harm us, it doesn't harm anyone.’ In the literature the khat plant has been referred to by a number of spiritual and religious terms including the ‘elixir of life’, ‘the flower of paradise’ (Anderson et al 2007: 2; Varisco 1986: 1) and ‘qut ul salihin’ which translates from Arabic as ‘sustenance of the righteous’ (Wagner 2005: 125).
A well-known writer on khat, Gebissa, recounts the following words of an interviewee in one of his studies: Khat is a tree that God loves. It’s a tree blessed by Rabi (God) and given to us. This is a tree that man cannot command. A lot of people with power have tried to control it, especially the price of selling the leaves. None has succeeded so far. This tree is not just another ordinary plant; it is a ‘Leaf of Allah’. (Gebissa (2004: 3) Khat’s existence and discovery has been linked to mysticism by some writers. For example Wagner refers to a story attributed to Yemeni people wherein the legendary prophet, Dhul Qarnayn, brought khat to Ethiopia from China in order to rid the country of pestilence and jinn (Wagner 2005: 123).4 Proponents of the halal argument claim that there are a number of spiritual rituals that are aided by the consumption of khat including reading the Qur’an and performing prayers. For example one study conducted in Ethiopia showed that 80 percent of chewers used khat to gain a good level of concentration for prayers and to facilitate contact with God (Varisco 1986: 3). Similarly, members of the Sufi sect of Islam have sometimes approved the consumption of khat for gaining concentration in relation to religious practices (Gebissa 2004: 7; Armstrong 2008: 632). A Victorian woman in our study observed: “We are 100 per cent Muslim. Yes we do Qu’ran sometimes while we eat it. We’ll listen to Qu’ran you know while we chew khat but we listen to music too. So we’ve got both.”
Similarly a Western Australian man observed: “Some people use khat to get closer, to get more energy for their worship”. It is claimed that khat is also an accepted part of other Muslim religious activities. For example, it has been suggested that chewing khat is a central activity during the week long Yemeni wedding celebrations (Wagner 2005: 137). Once the premise is accepted, that khat is religiously significant, it is argued by some that the continuation of Khat consumption in common law countries by Muslim immigrant groups should be tolerated as part of a commitment to multiculturalism (Armstrong 2008: 632).
A well-known writer on khat, Gebissa, recounts the following words of an interviewee in one of his studies: Khat is a tree that God loves. It’s a tree blessed by Rabi (God) and given to us. This is a tree that man cannot command. A lot of people with power have tried to control it, especially the price of selling the leaves. None has succeeded so far. This tree is not just another ordinary plant; it is a ‘Leaf of Allah’. (Gebissa (2004: 3) Khat’s existence and discovery has been linked to mysticism by some writers. For example Wagner refers to a story attributed to Yemeni people wherein the legendary prophet, Dhul Qarnayn, brought khat to Ethiopia from China in order to rid the country of pestilence and jinn (Wagner 2005: 123).4 Proponents of the halal argument claim that there are a number of spiritual rituals that are aided by the consumption of khat including reading the Qur’an and performing prayers. For example one study conducted in Ethiopia showed that 80 percent of chewers used khat to gain a good level of concentration for prayers and to facilitate contact with God (Varisco 1986: 3). Similarly, members of the Sufi sect of Islam have sometimes approved the consumption of khat for gaining concentration in relation to religious practices (Gebissa 2004: 7; Armstrong 2008: 632). A Victorian woman in our study observed: “We are 100 per cent Muslim. Yes we do Qu’ran sometimes while we eat it. We’ll listen to Qu’ran you know while we chew khat but we listen to music too. So we’ve got both.”
Similarly a Western Australian man observed: “Some people use khat to get closer, to get more energy for their worship”. It is claimed that khat is also an accepted part of other Muslim religious activities. For example, it has been suggested that chewing khat is a central activity during the week long Yemeni wedding celebrations (Wagner 2005: 137). Once the premise is accepted, that khat is religiously significant, it is argued by some that the continuation of Khat consumption in common law countries by Muslim immigrant groups should be tolerated as part of a commitment to multiculturalism (Armstrong 2008: 632).
