The following statement has greater weight than the one you underscored, and negates his whole argument.
- 'Dhul Somaliyed lama taaban karo': min 0600.
In referencing anthropogenic existential threats to nation states, the good Prof. is advancing what is known in global politics as 'material revolution' camouflaged in national security, the deadliest threat to human civilisation. If one pays close attention, the good Prof. reduced the entire case to 'commerce' by, and for foreign nations. Bright students, at Yale & Harvard, of International Relations shall have a field day dissecting, if dichotomising his lecture, which only peeks interest in neophyte enthusiasts of modern geopolitics, purely from a financial angle; folly in his analyses could easily be detected, but that is a matter for keen minds on the subject.
His core argument is grounded on colonial legacy and ideology, even if he is arguing against it, in the spirit of nationalism, but not in the interest of [all] Somalis. President Hasan Sh. makes similar arguments, and it is as if they have been fed from the same chalice: a theme popular with Xamar-centric elites. Here is the problem with the ill-born arguments of the Xamar-centric elites: they do not consider S Galbeed and NFD Somali territories, argue against irredentism (greater .So of all Somali territories), and by extension any arguments they present against secessionism, as in the case of SL, is baseless at best, if indefensible at worse. To put it succinctly, had it not been for the 1960 unification, they would not have been making this 'nationalist' argument, or discussing matters concerning SL. Theirs is solely informed by self-preservation, and not by the greater good of the national interest.
Xamar-centric elites hardly ever articulate this point, but here is the overarching sentiment one hears in their discourse: A future shape of Somali lands:
- In favour of North-South Confederacy. This is advanced by the view the North (SL) would eventually settle for Confederacy. Do bear in mind, this is grounded on colonial legacy, and it is as if Somali history and existence started with European colonisers in the 1890s, and darn anything, which existed before the Saancadaale set foot on Somali lands.
- Wholly and aggressively opposed to federalism, which the East (PL / SSC-Khatumo) champions.
- Would bet their all on Centralism, which they consider greatly benefits the South. FMSs like SW, JL, GM, and HS are considered within the fold, and as Laftagareen stated: 'they turn wherever direction the purse holder dictates'.
- Conceptually agree, and accept S Galbeed as part of greater Habasha.
- NFD does not even enter their equation, and could not care less as to its future state, ceded to Kikuya or not.
- Consider Jibouti a non-Somali territory.
This is circa. 1949 all over again.
I argue:
- Neither SL nor al Shabab pose existential threats to Somali nation state.
- Somali territories are victim to competing, if diverging geopolitical interests, and
- Somali political elites are only advancing said interests.
His analysis is somewhat flawed in the beginning, but I think after the 6:55 minute mark he is quite correct. I strongly disagree with you that Somaliland does not pose an existential threat to the Somali nation-state. I think that if Somaliland were to gain recognition from number of states, the Somali nation-state would be in serious jeopardy of dissolution.