@Abba Sadacha @AfranQallo @James Dahl
Give me some famous Oromo figures and tell me about them. Preferably the Muslim ones would be nice.
Give me some famous Oromo figures and tell me about them. Preferably the Muslim ones would be nice.
Who are famous historical Oromo figures?
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James Dahl
VIP
I don't know enough to really opine on this subject, but I can talk a little about Oromo leadership.
Under the Oromo system there is a new Gadaa every 8 years, after which point the ruling Gadaa retires and the next "generation" of Gadaa takes over.
Here is a list of the Borana Abba Gadaa list (some names written in Ge'ez)
http://www.oromedia.net/gadaa/የቦረና-ኦሮሞ-አባ-ገዳዎች/
Under the Oromo system there is a new Gadaa every 8 years, after which point the ruling Gadaa retires and the next "generation" of Gadaa takes over.
Here is a list of the Borana Abba Gadaa list (some names written in Ge'ez)
http://www.oromedia.net/gadaa/የቦረና-ኦሮሞ-አባ-ገዳዎች/
Oromos were obliged to go on the rampage every 8 years and bring home the testicles of their enemies.......
There's some real surprises here. Haile Selassie was of Oromo descent and his maternal grandmother was Muslim. The Oromo connection to the Ethiopian throne goes back to the 16th century. More leads here:
http://www.ethiopianreview.com/index/33633
"A leader of an Oromo descent who reigned over Ethiopia longer than any monarch was, believe it or not, Emperor Haile Selassie I, whose given name was Teferi Mekonen. His father Ras Mekonen was the son of Dejazmach Wolde-Mikael, the governor of Gola, near Ankober, who was the son of (Ato?) Gudissa. Teferi Mekonen was reputed for being fluent in the Oromo language, even though he spoke it only when the need arose. I believe his mother Yeshimebet Ali, too, was an Oromo whose father was a Muslim. The name of her mother is said to be Wolete-Giorgis. It seems that HaileSelassie was not interested in having the genealogy of his mother revealed for reasons known only to himself. Maybe, it was to conceal the fact that his maternal grandfather was a Muslim. That could be one reason why his biographers, when he was still alive, mentioned only his mother’s first name dropping her father’s name."
Does the name Gadabursi come from the Oromo word Gadaa?
James Dahl
VIP
Gada means the same thing in old Somali as it does in Oromo, because the languages have the same origin. Gada is not a word in modern Somali but it used to mean what it means in Oromo, a type of sub-society or something along those lines. Gada Bursi basically means maximized Gada.
The Gada system was probably originally used by Somalis the way it's used by Rendille, Oromo and Gedeo peoples, but over time was put aside in favour of more Arab style clan kingdoms with hereditary monarchs. The more egalitarian nature of the Somali clan compared to the Arab clan is probably a relic of this past.
The Gada system was probably originally used by Somalis the way it's used by Rendille, Oromo and Gedeo peoples, but over time was put aside in favour of more Arab style clan kingdoms with hereditary monarchs. The more egalitarian nature of the Somali clan compared to the Arab clan is probably a relic of this past.
Gada means people and Buuri means mountain. Gadabuursi translates to 'people of the mountain'.
Umar Bakkalcha (1953? - 1980) was one of the early Oromo nationalists and martyrs well-remembered in the Chercher highlands of Harerghe especially for the heroic speeches he made at his death spot. His name had been Umar Sheikh Mohammed Rabi, but the people usually refer to him as “Umar Bakkalcha” or simply “Bakkalcha” (the downfall star).
As he was born in a family known chiefly for propagation of Islamic teachings, Bakkalcha had a good access to learn Qur’an and other basic Islamic educations. Nassir Sheikh Muhammed Siraj, a cousin of Bakkalcha, told to the writer of this article (Aladdin Alevi)[citation needed] once that Bakkalcha had attended the Shafi’i Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) lessons until he completed a book called Baa-Fadl (the third Fiqh book in the Islamic teaching tradition that existed in Harerghe) but others dispute this and say rather Bakkalcha had attended more than that.
As he was born in a family known chiefly for propagation of Islamic teachings, Bakkalcha had a good access to learn Qur’an and other basic Islamic educations. Nassir Sheikh Muhammed Siraj, a cousin of Bakkalcha, told to the writer of this article (Aladdin Alevi)[citation needed] once that Bakkalcha had attended the Shafi’i Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) lessons until he completed a book called Baa-Fadl (the third Fiqh book in the Islamic teaching tradition that existed in Harerghe) but others dispute this and say rather Bakkalcha had attended more than that.
He was enrolled to the formal school (probably in the second half of the 1960s) and completed the primary education at the Italian built Mana Dheeraa (Originally Saint Michael Catholic Church but now Gelemso No.2 Primary School) which would become his prison as well. Then after, he completed the junior secondary education at Gelemso No.1 Junior Secondary School. Our sources say Bakkalcha had attended up to grade 10 but he couldn’t continue more than that due to his increased participation in the Oromo national movements.
His friends describe that Bakkalcha was a well known sportsman of the town from the very begging. He was a good midfielder in the football (soccer) and a kick boxer of no rivals. However this didn’t caused him to disrupt the right of others. He was a respectful and tolerant man of unequal quality. That is why he had many friends from all social classes of the town.
His Start of the Struggle
Bakkalcha was enlightened in the Oromo National struggle from the very beginning. He had a good understanding of the quests of the Oromo causes far before many people. However, the most brainstorming incident that took him to decide giving up all of his belongings for the Oromo causes was the heroic death of the well known Oromo patriots and guerrilla leaders called Elemo Qilltu (Hassen Ibrahim) and Hundee (or Ahmad Taqi Sheikh Muhammed Rashid).
Even though Bakkalcha had only indirect involvement in the guerrilla’s operations then, the death of those irreplaceable heroes made him to think about his people and his freedom day and night. So then, he made himself to immerse in the group founded hiddenly to promote the national agenda in the Chercher Highlands and to undertake military operations if possible. This group, called “Tuuta Bariisaa” (the Downfall Group) and led by Bakkalcha’s hero uncle called Mohammed Zakir Meyra, had few members at its start due to the group's welfare strategy of the time. That means, it was not as such open to anyone because of the precautious measures taken by its leaders.
Surviving the Rivals
When two of the aforementioned group's leaders (Meyra and Mus’id Salah Muhsin) marched to Somalia in 1976 to seek material assistance for their proposed guerrilla operations, the group’s activities came under clear attack of the Dergue officials. On the other hand, the swelling up of the most famous hidden party of the time called EPRP, a Neo-Marxist elite party which accepted the Oromo National Questions only in its partial interpretations, brought a big fear among the members of Bakkalcha’s group and all of the then Oromo nationalists. So Bakkalcha and his group mates decide to expand the groups operations inside the public and recruit members from all social grounds. Henceforth, strategies which would enable them reach all Oromos (the rural and the urban), and which could hinder the activities of their rivals (like EPRP) were designed. Many informal groups were established openly and in disguise. For example, Bakkalcha and his friends formed a group called FAA (Fair Age Association) inside their school. This group was openly known by anyone in the school including the schoolmasters, and its membership was allowed to any youth. But it didn’t promote any nationalist idea to the public, neither did Bakkalcha used it for such purposes. Its very aim was to hinder the movements of EPRP which was expanding at an alarming rate among all youth of the time.
Intensifying the Group’s Movement
When the Dergue had formed coalition with AESM (All Ethiopia Socialist Movement popularly called MEISON in its Amharic acronym) and other pro-leftist parties under a slogan of deepening socialism at a grass root level, many Oromos considered it as a golden time to strengthen the frameworks of the Oromo national struggle. This is because organizations like Ethiopian Subjects Revolutionary Struggle ( ESRS but well known in its Amharic acronym ኢጭአት ), which the Oromos formed only to get legal base for their national activities, would have high involvement in the governments bureaucracy. So they start to take the advantage of it.
That incident had brought a good opportunity to the Bakkalcha’s group as well. Many government officials of the “Habro Awraja” became members of the group and supported the group’s movements by all necessary means. A strong and effective communication was established between the urban groups and the rural guerrilla fighters who were present mostly in Boke, Darolebu, and Guba Qoricha districts. Witnesses say that the guerrilla could get necessary supply through the official government channels while it was fighting the government itself. On the other hand, the guerrilla could escape from the rage of the Dergue when it was fighting WSLF (West Somali Liberation Front) in Boke and Darolebu districts in the winter months of 1977 only because of the strong understanding established inside the government officials of Habro Awraja at that time.
This kind of understanding had never happened in the history of the Chercher Highlands again. And the people of Habro Awraja owe it chiefly to three people namely; Garbi Ahmad who was assigned a chief political cadre of the Habro Awraja at that time, Hajji Adayyu Kabir Girda, Chief of Habro Awraja Farmers Association, and Umar Bakkalcha, the initiator of these motives and leader of the underground Oromo national group.
The Cultural Renaissance
In 1978, when the Dergue returned victorious from the Ethio-Somali War of 1977-1978, A national campaign was declared to rehabilitate the war torn districts of East Ethiopia. Even though the main event of that campaign, still remembered by its Amharic name የእናት አገር ጥሪ (The Moherland's Call) would be celebrated at a place called “Kara Mara” near Jijjga, cultural festivals and trade-fairs would take place in all of the former Awrajas of Harerghe province. Accordingly, the Oromo nationals who had been the government officials of Habro Awraja informed about the coming event to Bakkalcha and his colleagues. No sooner than he heard the information, Bakkalcha and his friends rush to form an Oromo cultural group which had a memorable effect until now.
In December 1978, the “Habro Cultural Festival and Trade Fair” was opened inside a compound of the Gelemso Branch of Ethiopian Roads Authority which is found near to the Aw-Seid river bank. Huge personalities like Tilahun Gessesse, Bizunesh Bekele and Mahmoud Ahmed came for the musical show and got appreciations of their side. But when Bakkalcha and his fellow friends brought the first fully organized Oromo musical group of Habro Awraja on the scene, all spectators burst into tears. And the Oromos learned clearly that Afaan Oromoo was good enough to sing on in any circumstances. And many had witnessed how beautiful the Oromo Cultural dress was, and they made up their mind not to disregard their culture from that day onwards.
However, the group’s efforts was appreciated and acknowledged not only because of the songs of Afan Oromo and the cultural dress it brought to the stage. It was also because of the contents of those songs. Many singers of the group such as Gadisaa Abdullahi could openly address the Oromo agenda in their songs. For example, Gadisaa said in one of his songs
Fedidhaan Haatatu Tokkumaan Sabootaa
Hojiin Haa Mul’atu Qixxumaan Sabootaa
Tana gaafiin teenya tan Cunqurfamtootaa
Ilmaan Oromootaa
The Mass Arrest and the Terrifying Campaigns of 1979-1980
In Early 1979, when the Dergue finished up its mutual coalition with all of the political organizations of that time, a countrywide mass arrests were undertaken to eradicate all opponents. The situation had caused the Oromo nationalists to join the rural guerrilla warfare. Similarly, Umar Bakkalcha who was leading the Oromo national struggle in Gelemso went to the jungle with his fellow friends and joined the Oromo guerrilla fighters. Understanding this, Colonel Zeleke Beyyene, chief of the Dergue Commissariat for the Harerghe Province, and Mekonnen Maru, the then Administrator of Habro Awraja, ordered the imprisoning, torturing and if necessary, the murdering of anyone who had contacts with Bakkalcha and his group. About 100 Oromo merchants, students, and civil servants were taken from Gelemso, Baddessa, Machara and Boke, and they were all detained at the aforementioned Mana Dheeraa. Further the well-known Ulama of the Gelemso area such as Sheikh Mohammed Siraj (Bakkalcha’s uncle) were imprisoned. Many of the detainees were flogged bitterly. Some were emasculated. And from among them, well-known Oromo nationalists like the Yemen born Abdallah Ali (nicknamed “Abdalla footoo”-“Abdalla the Photographer”) were killed because of the ruthless flogging.
The hunt for Bakkalcha continued. And the looting and killing campaign of Colonel Zeleke Beyne and his appointees expanded to the maximum. An administrator of Habro district called Getachew Tadesse intensified the terror by applying a merciless murdering techniques in the rural, and Mekonnen Maru became a chief torturing man and confiscator of the properties of the Oromo merchants in the urban.
The Guerilla Fighting
The eyewitnesses of the time describe that the mass arresting and the murdering campaigns of the Dergue that we discussed in the above section was designed to suppress all Oromo movements and to sow terror among the Oromo fighters. However, the continued campaigns couldn’t bring any effect on the lionhearted warriors like Umar Bakkalcha who was leading his guerrilla group in the nearby jungles of Boke. Our narrators recall that the hero had marched against his enemy in all jungle lands that stretch from Weyne up to Boke Gudo. As a battalion leader, he had fought on a number of battles where he had shown his bravery. Some narrators say that he could even rout a big force of multiple size with handful of his followers.
On the other hand, Bakkalcha could understand the necessity of continuing the communication among the nationalists who are disguised among the urban population and the rural guerrilla fighters. Accordingly, he had tried to reach the urban cells that the Dergue couldn’t identify then. And so forth, he could support many nationalists escape the dangers of killing and arresting.
His Final Days
Even though the mass arresting and killing formula of the Dergue didn’t bring any fear on brave heroes such as Bakkalcha, it had attained its goal in some respects. Few of the friends of Bakkalcha started to withdraw from the struggle complaining some minor things which the writer doesn’t want to mention. And from this few surrenders, two or three notorious people emerged (Again, we do not mention their name.) These notorious persons engaged in disseminating false statements among the Oromo nationals of all sorts, and their fabricated war time lies started to reach the jungle warriors. On the other hand, the Dergue intensified the mass arresting and imprisoned Nationalists based on the false statements fabricated by these persons. And it was at that time that nationalists like “Haji Adayyu” were taken to the famous “Aw-Izin” prison of Harar and stayed there for about ten years.
In the rural front, more guerrilla fighters withdrew from the struggle due to the false statements disseminated by those notorious persons, leaving Bakkalcha and his few comrades to their own fate. The already endangered communication line between the urban Oromo nationalists and the rural fighters was totally cut out, and this was elongated even to the destabilization of the whole networking among all guerrilla units themselves. The fighters start to miss each other wandering in the forests of Chercher Highlands day and night. And At last, Umar Bakkalcha, the all-time famous hero found himself surrounded by only three of his colleagues.
On one night of the summer months of 1980, while they were searching for the path that took them to the “Aniyya” lowlands of the former “Gara Mulata” Awraja, Bakkalcha fall on the hands of the Dergue hunters. They took him to Gelemso and imprisoned him at Mana Dheeraa where many of his relatives and friends were suffering.
His Martyrdom
The Dergue was hunting Bakkalcha on the assumption that his capture could lead to the total collapse of the Oromo rebellion activities that were bursting out in Gelemso and the whole of the Chercher region. This was calculated on two bases. First, the Oromos did see Bakkalcha as the icon and symbol of their struggle. So the Dergue must had to eradicate this sentiment and humiliate the Oromos. Second, as he had existed in the struggle since the time of Elemo Kiltu and Ahmad Taqi, the Dergue officials assumed that Bakkalcha would give them first hand information which would lead to the destruction of the core body of the fighting units.
However, Bakkalcha didn’t want any miserable situations to happen because of his words. So he didn’t say this and that on the investigation process that lasted for about four months. He used to make a beautiful speeches in front of the Dergue officials rather. Seeing this, the Oromo detainees inside the prison who fall in deep frustrations before, started to consider Bakkalcha as their sources of courage and morale strength.
After a series of investigations that left no yield for what they had intended, the Dergue officials decided to execute Bakkalcha and his three colleagues. They summoned the public of Gelemso to gather at a place which is found in the southern part of the town and crossed from eastern bank of Aw-Seid river by Gelemso-Mechara Highway. A fabricated statement, which accused Bakkalcha of killing four innocent people, was read by the jury. And Bakkalcha was given to speak his final words in order that he might ask the amnesty of the Revolutionary Government. However, Umar didn’t speak any word which would make him coward. What he said was this
“Qabsoo kessatti Wareegamun durattuu jirti. Ar’a ana iraan hinbaane. Angaftooni kiyya heddun kufaani jiran. Anis du’aaf qophiidha. Garuu yoon du’es kan akka keessani meeqan gatee jira. Ani ar’a nin du’a. Fuldura ammo jaallan kiyya Xurreen ani baase kana galmaan nigaha. “
Having said his final words, the executers shoot Bakkalcha and his three comrades instantly and bulldozed them in one grave.
That day marked a heroic death of one of Gelemso’s favourite patriots. But also it was a marking of an immortal personality of Umar Sheikh Muhammad Rabi, an unforgatable hero whom the public still call “Bakkalcha”(Our Downfall star ).
In Early 1979, when the Dergue finished up its mutual coalition with all of the political organizations of that time, a countrywide mass arrests were undertaken to eradicate all opponents. The situation had caused the Oromo nationalists to join the rural guerrilla warfare. Similarly, Umar Bakkalcha who was leading the Oromo national struggle in Gelemso went to the jungle with his fellow friends and joined the Oromo guerrilla fighters. Understanding this, Colonel Zeleke Beyyene, chief of the Dergue Commissariat for the Harerghe Province, and Mekonnen Maru, the then Administrator of Habro Awraja, ordered the imprisoning, torturing and if necessary, the murdering of anyone who had contacts with Bakkalcha and his group. About 100 Oromo merchants, students, and civil servants were taken from Gelemso, Baddessa, Machara and Boke, and they were all detained at the aforementioned Mana Dheeraa. Further the well-known Ulama of the Gelemso area such as Sheikh Mohammed Siraj (Bakkalcha’s uncle) were imprisoned. Many of the detainees were flogged bitterly. Some were emasculated. And from among them, well-known Oromo nationalists like the Yemen born Abdallah Ali (nicknamed “Abdalla footoo”-“Abdalla the Photographer”) were killed because of the ruthless flogging.
The hunt for Bakkalcha continued. And the looting and killing campaign of Colonel Zeleke Beyne and his appointees expanded to the maximum. An administrator of Habro district called Getachew Tadesse intensified the terror by applying a merciless murdering techniques in the rural, and Mekonnen Maru became a chief torturing man and confiscator of the properties of the Oromo merchants in the urban.
The Guerilla Fighting
The eyewitnesses of the time describe that the mass arresting and the murdering campaigns of the Dergue that we discussed in the above section was designed to suppress all Oromo movements and to sow terror among the Oromo fighters. However, the continued campaigns couldn’t bring any effect on the lionhearted warriors like Umar Bakkalcha who was leading his guerrilla group in the nearby jungles of Boke. Our narrators recall that the hero had marched against his enemy in all jungle lands that stretch from Weyne up to Boke Gudo. As a battalion leader, he had fought on a number of battles where he had shown his bravery. Some narrators say that he could even rout a big force of multiple size with handful of his followers.
On the other hand, Bakkalcha could understand the necessity of continuing the communication among the nationalists who are disguised among the urban population and the rural guerrilla fighters. Accordingly, he had tried to reach the urban cells that the Dergue couldn’t identify then. And so forth, he could support many nationalists escape the dangers of killing and arresting.
His Final Days
Even though the mass arresting and killing formula of the Dergue didn’t bring any fear on brave heroes such as Bakkalcha, it had attained its goal in some respects. Few of the friends of Bakkalcha started to withdraw from the struggle complaining some minor things which the writer doesn’t want to mention. And from this few surrenders, two or three notorious people emerged (Again, we do not mention their name.) These notorious persons engaged in disseminating false statements among the Oromo nationals of all sorts, and their fabricated war time lies started to reach the jungle warriors. On the other hand, the Dergue intensified the mass arresting and imprisoned Nationalists based on the false statements fabricated by these persons. And it was at that time that nationalists like “Haji Adayyu” were taken to the famous “Aw-Izin” prison of Harar and stayed there for about ten years.
In the rural front, more guerrilla fighters withdrew from the struggle due to the false statements disseminated by those notorious persons, leaving Bakkalcha and his few comrades to their own fate. The already endangered communication line between the urban Oromo nationalists and the rural fighters was totally cut out, and this was elongated even to the destabilization of the whole networking among all guerrilla units themselves. The fighters start to miss each other wandering in the forests of Chercher Highlands day and night. And At last, Umar Bakkalcha, the all-time famous hero found himself surrounded by only three of his colleagues.
On one night of the summer months of 1980, while they were searching for the path that took them to the “Aniyya” lowlands of the former “Gara Mulata” Awraja, Bakkalcha fall on the hands of the Dergue hunters. They took him to Gelemso and imprisoned him at Mana Dheeraa where many of his relatives and friends were suffering.
His Martyrdom
The Dergue was hunting Bakkalcha on the assumption that his capture could lead to the total collapse of the Oromo rebellion activities that were bursting out in Gelemso and the whole of the Chercher region. This was calculated on two bases. First, the Oromos did see Bakkalcha as the icon and symbol of their struggle. So the Dergue must had to eradicate this sentiment and humiliate the Oromos. Second, as he had existed in the struggle since the time of Elemo Kiltu and Ahmad Taqi, the Dergue officials assumed that Bakkalcha would give them first hand information which would lead to the destruction of the core body of the fighting units.
However, Bakkalcha didn’t want any miserable situations to happen because of his words. So he didn’t say this and that on the investigation process that lasted for about four months. He used to make a beautiful speeches in front of the Dergue officials rather. Seeing this, the Oromo detainees inside the prison who fall in deep frustrations before, started to consider Bakkalcha as their sources of courage and morale strength.
After a series of investigations that left no yield for what they had intended, the Dergue officials decided to execute Bakkalcha and his three colleagues. They summoned the public of Gelemso to gather at a place which is found in the southern part of the town and crossed from eastern bank of Aw-Seid river by Gelemso-Mechara Highway. A fabricated statement, which accused Bakkalcha of killing four innocent people, was read by the jury. And Bakkalcha was given to speak his final words in order that he might ask the amnesty of the Revolutionary Government. However, Umar didn’t speak any word which would make him coward. What he said was this
“Qabsoo kessatti Wareegamun durattuu jirti. Ar’a ana iraan hinbaane. Angaftooni kiyya heddun kufaani jiran. Anis du’aaf qophiidha. Garuu yoon du’es kan akka keessani meeqan gatee jira. Ani ar’a nin du’a. Fuldura ammo jaallan kiyya Xurreen ani baase kana galmaan nigaha. “
Having said his final words, the executers shoot Bakkalcha and his three comrades instantly and bulldozed them in one grave.
That day marked a heroic death of one of Gelemso’s favourite patriots. But also it was a marking of an immortal personality of Umar Sheikh Muhammad Rabi, an unforgatable hero whom the public still call “Bakkalcha”(Our Downfall star ).
The battle of Tirro was fought by a group of young commandos from the Hararge region, led by Hassan Ibrahim better known as Elemo Qiltu. Elemo had been trained in the camps of the Palestinian Liberation Organization in Yemen, where he had been living and working. But his mind was always on the oppression faced by his people, and his heart burned with a desire to bring about a change. So after organizing for sometime alongside other prominent leaders of the struggle such as Sh. Abdul Karim Ibrahim (Jaarra) in 1974, he sought to infiltrate his country by boat with a group of men and was successful in doing so. Eventually they reached the Western Hararge region. Many enthusiastic young men joined the group and pledged to fight the regime of Haile Selassie. After an incident where the group killed some tax collectors of the regime, the regime began to follow their movements.
Army reinforcements were sent in to help track their movements. One of the members of the unit, Dhugasa Bakhakko who was just 16 years of age at the time, explained the situation which led to 'The Battle of Tirro' in a Radio interview decades later;
"This was late 1974, it was the harvesting season so it was easy to hide out in the crops...We arrived at a place called Tirro, between the towns of Galamso, Bookhe and Badheesa. Three men had recently joined us and they were not accustomed to moving long distances on foot. These men were Sheikh Jamal, Ahmed Taqi, who had just arrived from the city, and Colonel Mahdi. He was a Colonel in Somalia (who abandoned his post to join the group), but he was from the Qallu (clan) of Dadar (district, East Hararge). They were exhausted and could not climb the mountain so we left them at a place we trusted to be safe at the bottom of the mountain to spend the night. At dawn we went down to wake them up. We discovered that the government militia had followed us and arrived from the 3 neighbouring towns and had the area surrounded... So we engaged them and a battle took place. From what we heard 83 enemy soldiers were killed, this number included locals who cooperated with them, and the wounded brought their casualties to over 100. From our side, the 3 men I had mentioned were killed (by the militia) before we could reach them. Until noon we repelled the police and militia. They called for Army reinforcements which arrived at noon bringing with them heavy weaponry. They began shelling the mountain and its surroundings. Hassan had been wounded in the abdomen in the morning clashes, so he wrapped it up with his clothing and continued fighting from the ground in the crop field, while sitting. Eventually the army surrounded & ordered him to surrender, so he told them to come and pick him up (since he could not move). Understanding that he had surrendered, a group of 5 soldiers went to where he was sitting. Hassan had a grenade with him, and when they reached him he exploded it, killing all 5 soldiers along with himself. Another was a boy named Sulayman who was shooting down at the enemy from the mountain. He ran out of bullets, but saved one for himself to avoid capture. Another of our men, Ahmed Kahin, he was Sheikhash (a Somali tribe) from Daro Labu district. He fought until his arm was shattered and he was captured. At sunset the remainder of us broke the encirclement and escaped."
Army reinforcements were sent in to help track their movements. One of the members of the unit, Dhugasa Bakhakko who was just 16 years of age at the time, explained the situation which led to 'The Battle of Tirro' in a Radio interview decades later;
"This was late 1974, it was the harvesting season so it was easy to hide out in the crops...We arrived at a place called Tirro, between the towns of Galamso, Bookhe and Badheesa. Three men had recently joined us and they were not accustomed to moving long distances on foot. These men were Sheikh Jamal, Ahmed Taqi, who had just arrived from the city, and Colonel Mahdi. He was a Colonel in Somalia (who abandoned his post to join the group), but he was from the Qallu (clan) of Dadar (district, East Hararge). They were exhausted and could not climb the mountain so we left them at a place we trusted to be safe at the bottom of the mountain to spend the night. At dawn we went down to wake them up. We discovered that the government militia had followed us and arrived from the 3 neighbouring towns and had the area surrounded... So we engaged them and a battle took place. From what we heard 83 enemy soldiers were killed, this number included locals who cooperated with them, and the wounded brought their casualties to over 100. From our side, the 3 men I had mentioned were killed (by the militia) before we could reach them. Until noon we repelled the police and militia. They called for Army reinforcements which arrived at noon bringing with them heavy weaponry. They began shelling the mountain and its surroundings. Hassan had been wounded in the abdomen in the morning clashes, so he wrapped it up with his clothing and continued fighting from the ground in the crop field, while sitting. Eventually the army surrounded & ordered him to surrender, so he told them to come and pick him up (since he could not move). Understanding that he had surrendered, a group of 5 soldiers went to where he was sitting. Hassan had a grenade with him, and when they reached him he exploded it, killing all 5 soldiers along with himself. Another was a boy named Sulayman who was shooting down at the enemy from the mountain. He ran out of bullets, but saved one for himself to avoid capture. Another of our men, Ahmed Kahin, he was Sheikhash (a Somali tribe) from Daro Labu district. He fought until his arm was shattered and he was captured. At sunset the remainder of us broke the encirclement and escaped."
The Story of the Commander Falmataa
A young man born and raised in occupied east Hararge, he grew up hearing the stories of a time his people lived in dignity, as kings in their land. Jaal Falmataa joined the resistance under the banner of Adda Islaama Bilisummaa Oromiyaa (AIBO) or Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia, and climbed in rank due to among other things, his devotion to his beliefs and values, deep knowledge of history, and his eloquence in speech. When the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam collapsed, the IFLO joined the Transitional Government of Ethiopia in order to spread their message to other parts of the country. Among many places Jaal Falmataa attended rallies, was a rally in the town of Jimma in the Summer of 1991 in front of a packed stadium.
Jimma town was the former capital of the Jimma Sultanate, captured by Ethiopia in the late 19th century. The group held similar rallies from its territory in the east, to the far west of the country in Gore, Ilubabor. Fearing the popularity the IFLO was gaining, the EPRDF assassinated key leaders of the group.
On December 12, 1991 one of its members, AbdulRazaq Muhammad, was killed and two others wounded, in Dire Dawa city.
Dr. Faisal Birru, Deputy Chief of the IFLO military wing, was detained in Asfaw Kasa Hotel and was found killed a few days later.
Its Deputy Chairman, Sheikh Abdurahman Yusuf and the Head of the Political Office, Izz ad-din Muhammad Ahmed, were killed and five other members were wounded in a shootout when their vehicle was ambushed by EPRDF militia in Dire Dawa on January 18, 1992.
In response in late January 1992 the IFLO pulled out of the TGE and began a series of retaliatory strikes against the EPRDF, who were an invading and occupying army in Oromo territory. After the IFLO's retaliation began paralyzing TPLF movements in the region, they moved to take the strongholds of the IFLO. In the district of Fadis, the EPRDF column was no match for the mountainous terrain, where they ended up either burnt or captured. The Tigrayan infantry was surrounded and hunted down. In a video release dated May 7, 1992 the remains of the TPLF armoured column in the district of Fadis were displayed by an IFLO unit stationed in the area. In the same release it was shown that further north, the al-Imam Ahmed unit led by Falmata took 3 TPLF officers captive along with their 4x4 and executed the prisoners at Haromaya, on the main highway between Harar and Dirre Dhawa.
A year later, Commander Falmataa recalled the events which took place;
"They hoped that by targeting our leaders that we would disperse in despair. That was their dream. But alhamdulillah, their martyrdom and their fulfillment of their pledge only increased us in Iman. So naturally what came next was war. We depended on our lord. Not on tanks or heavy artillery, but the Almighty Superpower. The Lord of Russia and America. And as you know they could not stand in front of us in battle...Brothers if we depend on Allah with sincerity, just as we humiliated the enemy in battle we will establish an Islamic Republic of Oromiyaa under the banner of Laa Ilaha Ill'Allah, and govern her by Quran and Hadeeth"
Commander Falmataa never saw this Republic materialize, but received much better than that, when his lord took his soul, while he remained patient and determined, at a time when many men were surrendering, or fleeing the country. This is the story of the Commander Falmataa.
A young man born and raised in occupied east Hararge, he grew up hearing the stories of a time his people lived in dignity, as kings in their land. Jaal Falmataa joined the resistance under the banner of Adda Islaama Bilisummaa Oromiyaa (AIBO) or Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia, and climbed in rank due to among other things, his devotion to his beliefs and values, deep knowledge of history, and his eloquence in speech. When the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam collapsed, the IFLO joined the Transitional Government of Ethiopia in order to spread their message to other parts of the country. Among many places Jaal Falmataa attended rallies, was a rally in the town of Jimma in the Summer of 1991 in front of a packed stadium.
Jimma town was the former capital of the Jimma Sultanate, captured by Ethiopia in the late 19th century. The group held similar rallies from its territory in the east, to the far west of the country in Gore, Ilubabor. Fearing the popularity the IFLO was gaining, the EPRDF assassinated key leaders of the group.
On December 12, 1991 one of its members, AbdulRazaq Muhammad, was killed and two others wounded, in Dire Dawa city.
Dr. Faisal Birru, Deputy Chief of the IFLO military wing, was detained in Asfaw Kasa Hotel and was found killed a few days later.
Its Deputy Chairman, Sheikh Abdurahman Yusuf and the Head of the Political Office, Izz ad-din Muhammad Ahmed, were killed and five other members were wounded in a shootout when their vehicle was ambushed by EPRDF militia in Dire Dawa on January 18, 1992.
In response in late January 1992 the IFLO pulled out of the TGE and began a series of retaliatory strikes against the EPRDF, who were an invading and occupying army in Oromo territory. After the IFLO's retaliation began paralyzing TPLF movements in the region, they moved to take the strongholds of the IFLO. In the district of Fadis, the EPRDF column was no match for the mountainous terrain, where they ended up either burnt or captured. The Tigrayan infantry was surrounded and hunted down. In a video release dated May 7, 1992 the remains of the TPLF armoured column in the district of Fadis were displayed by an IFLO unit stationed in the area. In the same release it was shown that further north, the al-Imam Ahmed unit led by Falmata took 3 TPLF officers captive along with their 4x4 and executed the prisoners at Haromaya, on the main highway between Harar and Dirre Dhawa.
A year later, Commander Falmataa recalled the events which took place;
"They hoped that by targeting our leaders that we would disperse in despair. That was their dream. But alhamdulillah, their martyrdom and their fulfillment of their pledge only increased us in Iman. So naturally what came next was war. We depended on our lord. Not on tanks or heavy artillery, but the Almighty Superpower. The Lord of Russia and America. And as you know they could not stand in front of us in battle...Brothers if we depend on Allah with sincerity, just as we humiliated the enemy in battle we will establish an Islamic Republic of Oromiyaa under the banner of Laa Ilaha Ill'Allah, and govern her by Quran and Hadeeth"
Commander Falmataa never saw this Republic materialize, but received much better than that, when his lord took his soul, while he remained patient and determined, at a time when many men were surrendering, or fleeing the country. This is the story of the Commander Falmataa.
Hussein Bunee belongs to the last generation of traditional patriotic revolutionary leaders of the struggle of the Oromo people.
In the sixties and seventies he led the armed struggle in eastern Bale with his brother Mahmud Bunee, effectively pinning Ethiopian army units down in many fronts for years, at the same time as the two Waaqoos battled with whole army divisions in the south.
Hussein Bunee was throughout his life not only a man of action and bravery but also of immense natural wisdom. His ability of reconciling a wide variety of views, often accommodating lot of differences in matters of political and military strategy, made him extremely popular among ordinary fighters. His kind treatment of the non-combatant civilian population was exemplary and unforgettable. He ate and slept on the ground with his fighters, never distinguishing himself from them. Jaarra knows him in the field better and is more qualified than myself to talk about him.
It is unfortunate that the names of such great patriots as Hussein Bunee and Waqoo are loaded with military ranks, giving the impression that many Oromo heroes belonged to military establishments, with wrong implications. Among us there are certainly those who rejoice in giving this wrong impression to cover up part of our reality. Others do parrot only what they heard without thinking for themselves. The military rank is true only of General Taddesse Birru versus the Gobanas. I will put them rather alongside, for example, Elemoo Qilxuu , Mahdi or, among the living, Jaarraa, as people’s patriots of revolutionary character without any official ranks, having nothing to do with any state institutions. Haji Ishaq Daadhi can also be remembered in this context along many others as an Oromo patriot who challenged the regime. This fits their genuine historical roles better. It is also part of our historical and political reality. Genuine Oromos, especially Moslems, had never any part or say in the Abyssinian military establishment. Most Oromo generals in the military were and still are, in my opinion, Gobanites, without exaggeration, traitors. By the way I never cease to admire Jaarraa for refusing to join the Institution of the so-called transitional Woyane government, even though the Islamic Front had three chairs in the parliament at the time.
I met Hussein Bunee often in Finfinne from 1991 till 1995 before I left Ethiopia the last time. With the Islamic Front no more in picture, in the parliament, Hussein Bunee remained most of the time in the capital, living in relative poverty. The truth is at times very bitter but it must be swallowed whole, and be, above all, told. I mention this as a reminder of how little our people are practically organized and have no friends in the world so that nobody could take care even of our heroes when they needed help most. When it comes to lip service all of us are nationalists and even revolutionaries.
[his brother] Mahmud Bunee died in complete isolation in 1994, taken ill in Woyane concentration military camp in Bale. Now that Hussein Bunee is dead it is safe for everyone to talk a lot about him.
In the sixties and seventies he led the armed struggle in eastern Bale with his brother Mahmud Bunee, effectively pinning Ethiopian army units down in many fronts for years, at the same time as the two Waaqoos battled with whole army divisions in the south.
Hussein Bunee was throughout his life not only a man of action and bravery but also of immense natural wisdom. His ability of reconciling a wide variety of views, often accommodating lot of differences in matters of political and military strategy, made him extremely popular among ordinary fighters. His kind treatment of the non-combatant civilian population was exemplary and unforgettable. He ate and slept on the ground with his fighters, never distinguishing himself from them. Jaarra knows him in the field better and is more qualified than myself to talk about him.
It is unfortunate that the names of such great patriots as Hussein Bunee and Waqoo are loaded with military ranks, giving the impression that many Oromo heroes belonged to military establishments, with wrong implications. Among us there are certainly those who rejoice in giving this wrong impression to cover up part of our reality. Others do parrot only what they heard without thinking for themselves. The military rank is true only of General Taddesse Birru versus the Gobanas. I will put them rather alongside, for example, Elemoo Qilxuu , Mahdi or, among the living, Jaarraa, as people’s patriots of revolutionary character without any official ranks, having nothing to do with any state institutions. Haji Ishaq Daadhi can also be remembered in this context along many others as an Oromo patriot who challenged the regime. This fits their genuine historical roles better. It is also part of our historical and political reality. Genuine Oromos, especially Moslems, had never any part or say in the Abyssinian military establishment. Most Oromo generals in the military were and still are, in my opinion, Gobanites, without exaggeration, traitors. By the way I never cease to admire Jaarraa for refusing to join the Institution of the so-called transitional Woyane government, even though the Islamic Front had three chairs in the parliament at the time.
I met Hussein Bunee often in Finfinne from 1991 till 1995 before I left Ethiopia the last time. With the Islamic Front no more in picture, in the parliament, Hussein Bunee remained most of the time in the capital, living in relative poverty. The truth is at times very bitter but it must be swallowed whole, and be, above all, told. I mention this as a reminder of how little our people are practically organized and have no friends in the world so that nobody could take care even of our heroes when they needed help most. When it comes to lip service all of us are nationalists and even revolutionaries.
[his brother] Mahmud Bunee died in complete isolation in 1994, taken ill in Woyane concentration military camp in Bale. Now that Hussein Bunee is dead it is safe for everyone to talk a lot about him.
The Commander Buruysoo Boruu
Known by his nom de geurre, Buruysoo Boruu was a veteran OLF commander in east Hararge, active throughout 1980’s and 1990’s. After the fall of the derg he spent much of his time travelling throughout the province overseeing training in the OLF administered areas, and fighting with the EPRDF which started immediately after the EPRDF’s arrival in the Hararge region in late 1991. His fighters were in charge of controlling the major highway which ran from the capital Finfinne/Addis Ababa through the east of the country. The TPLF/EPRDF was desperate to gain control of this highway, which was the main line of communication in the east, but was unable to do so for a year. And they would have not have been able to do so without the betrayal of the OLF leadership. The OLF leadership led by the chief negotiator & vice chair-man Leencho Lata, born to a Christian family in the west of the country and an ideological Marxist, signed a deal with the EPRDF brokered by the United States, which agreed to pull all OLF fighters away the major highways and back into their garrisons. The US chief broker secretary Herman Cohen promised the OLF delegation that the EPRDF would not attack its garrisons and the OLF complied. The leadership justified this to its members as an effort to keep the EPRDF from spoiling the upcoming regional elections. The EPRDF plan was likely to escalate the conflict in order to postpone the vote, which the OLF was likely going to win.
In June 1992 the EPRDF broke its agreement and attacked the OLF garrisons, dealing the OLF a major military blow. The leadership situated in the capital, which had negotiated the deal, fled the country abandoning the armed wing to its fate. Many fighters were killed and captured, while many escaped and among them was the Commander Buruysoo. Buruysoo, alongside other commanders such as Tuuji Raggaasa were among those who took the responsibility of rebuilding the organization after the betrayal of those whom they called leaders. Buruysoo reorganized the OLA and immediately began retaliatory strikes at EPRDF military installations in East Hararge. Among one of his achievements was that he established an urban insurgency In Dirre Dhawa town, organizing a series of kidnappings and assassinations of EPRDF officers and cadres based in the town. EPRDF cadres did not know who to trust and suspected any civilian in their midst. Sometimes Buruysoo’s men would dress like homeless beggars on the street, and before the EPRDF cadre knew it, the “beggar” would attack with a pistol, and the cadre was laying in a pool of blood. The EPRDF made it their highest priority to catch Buruysoo, and in one such attack, one of his men were captured. He was tortured and finally gave up the hideout where Buruysoo was staying. The EPRDF mobilized a large force and surrounded the hideout, and a shootout followed. It was here, Oct. 4/1995, that Buruysoo was believed to have been fatally wounded and killed.
Known by his nom de geurre, Buruysoo Boruu was a veteran OLF commander in east Hararge, active throughout 1980’s and 1990’s. After the fall of the derg he spent much of his time travelling throughout the province overseeing training in the OLF administered areas, and fighting with the EPRDF which started immediately after the EPRDF’s arrival in the Hararge region in late 1991. His fighters were in charge of controlling the major highway which ran from the capital Finfinne/Addis Ababa through the east of the country. The TPLF/EPRDF was desperate to gain control of this highway, which was the main line of communication in the east, but was unable to do so for a year. And they would have not have been able to do so without the betrayal of the OLF leadership. The OLF leadership led by the chief negotiator & vice chair-man Leencho Lata, born to a Christian family in the west of the country and an ideological Marxist, signed a deal with the EPRDF brokered by the United States, which agreed to pull all OLF fighters away the major highways and back into their garrisons. The US chief broker secretary Herman Cohen promised the OLF delegation that the EPRDF would not attack its garrisons and the OLF complied. The leadership justified this to its members as an effort to keep the EPRDF from spoiling the upcoming regional elections. The EPRDF plan was likely to escalate the conflict in order to postpone the vote, which the OLF was likely going to win.
In June 1992 the EPRDF broke its agreement and attacked the OLF garrisons, dealing the OLF a major military blow. The leadership situated in the capital, which had negotiated the deal, fled the country abandoning the armed wing to its fate. Many fighters were killed and captured, while many escaped and among them was the Commander Buruysoo. Buruysoo, alongside other commanders such as Tuuji Raggaasa were among those who took the responsibility of rebuilding the organization after the betrayal of those whom they called leaders. Buruysoo reorganized the OLA and immediately began retaliatory strikes at EPRDF military installations in East Hararge. Among one of his achievements was that he established an urban insurgency In Dirre Dhawa town, organizing a series of kidnappings and assassinations of EPRDF officers and cadres based in the town. EPRDF cadres did not know who to trust and suspected any civilian in their midst. Sometimes Buruysoo’s men would dress like homeless beggars on the street, and before the EPRDF cadre knew it, the “beggar” would attack with a pistol, and the cadre was laying in a pool of blood. The EPRDF made it their highest priority to catch Buruysoo, and in one such attack, one of his men were captured. He was tortured and finally gave up the hideout where Buruysoo was staying. The EPRDF mobilized a large force and surrounded the hideout, and a shootout followed. It was here, Oct. 4/1995, that Buruysoo was believed to have been fatally wounded and killed.
The Story of Commander Hassan Juuree and his unit (taken from Bariisa.com)
I met Hasan Juure immediately after I was assigned to Bale by EPRDF. At the time he commanded an armed group belonging to the Oromo Islamic Front which was part of the parliament of the so-called transitional government formed in 1991. Till I was removed from Bale I met him almost regularly together with the representative of the branch office of the Front in Goba. As a result I came to know him closely. He was a middle aged man of about fifty, looking much younger for his age, a short man, dark and agile. For years he had led a small group of fighters against the DERG in eastern Bale putting up an obstinate resistance and distinguishing himself as a heroic fighter fully committed to the fighting tradition of his people. The Bale lowland, especially Hawaxxuu and Raayitu, are the cradle of Oromo resistance against Amhara domination in Bale as far back as I remember from my early childhood. Here you find the race of men who are born fighters generation after generation and were rarely cowed despite constant repression. Unlike in the upper Bale regions where the peasantry was most of the time passive, the government could not establish full control in the dominantly pastoral and nomadic lowland. My father had great love and respect for these people and received their leaders for years when they turned up in Shabo, our village, near Goba, now wiped out from the map, due to forced villagisation under the DERG, to protest the atrocities of the security forces under Haile Selassie regime against the civilian population. The most famous among those leaders was Haji Ishaaq Daadhii, a very close associate of my father.
Hasan Juure was a practisng Muslim but not what one might call a fanatic or fundamentalist in any sense. Though uneducated, he gained through action extensive fighting skills and was always amenable to reason. I talked with him for hours in Goba and Ginnir many times and was impressed by his honesty and openness. Towards the end of my time in Bale, the Woyane army units started harassing him without informing me about their move. At that time I happened to be in Ginnir to attend the so-called routine assessment meetings in the OPDO headquarters. There were a number of TPLF commanders in the compound. It was midday. Having been sick I avoided taking food for two days and sat up in bed with my back against the wall, covering my head with a blanket. I heard somebody whispering assalaam aleikum. I looked up to see Hasan Juure standing in front of me, draping a big towel over his head and shoulders. He told me he slipped past the guards to see me, having heard the day before, of my presence in Ginnir. He said the military was after him and his men to hunt them down in violation of the charter of the transitional government.
The OPDO cadres and the Woyane officers were clearly shocked by his daring presence. When I asked the OPDO cadres what was going on I found them in utter confusion. The Woyane commanders denied trying hunting him and his men down and said they were only looking for him to discuss with him certain security problems in the area. When I asked if they could discuss the matter then with him in my presence they became suddenly cagey and uncommunicative..I insisted on knowing what the problem was. One of the commanders said nervously at this point that they acted on unfounded rumours and there was no need to discuss anything further. I asked what the rumours were. He suddenly looked perplexed. After a long silence he said he had no mandate to talk about them. Juure openly mentioned situations where TPLF army unit opened fire on him and his men. Had they not been helped by armed ordinary people in the area, surrounding the unit, he and his men would have been liquidated a number of times. I had no reason to suspect the truth of Juure’s statement and started really worrying. The commanders said they had no idea what happened and promised to check. I called a short meeting of Woyane commanders and OPDO cadres and made it clear to them that any violent action against Juure and his men was tantamount to the violation of the charter of the transitional government because, I said, I knew personally that Juuree and his men were strictly observing the charter. I said that because I knew the fact on the ground. Juree was in no position in those days to challenge the military. After the meeting both Woyane commanders and OPDO cadres tried to appear extremely amicable and friendly towards Juure, reassuring him and shaking hands with him, finally inviting us all to tee. At the end they even offered him protection on his way back to his base. Juure thanked them, saying he did not need any protection.
Almost five months after my removal from Bale the Woyane army units penetrated Juuree’s base area in a dark moonless night and surrounded him and his colleagues, gunning them down in cold blood in the early morning while they were doing morning prayers.
Together with some friends I mourned their death silently in Addis Ababa. Later a number of people informed me that the Woyane security had early on already gunned down in cold blood a number of very old peaceful and highly respected Moslem clerics in Addis Ababa and Wollo, men who, unlike Juure, were not involved whatsoever in politics. Soon, a little before I came back to Germany in 1995 the Woyane army stormed the central mosque in Addis Ababa by broad day light as we know and gunned down a large number of innocent people. The BBC tried to play down the incident. Woyane started liquidating respected Moslem figures even before the global war on terror started.
Although it is mainly targeting Muslims and oppressed nations, Woyane is also actually holding hostage the people of Abyssinia proper as well. The main instrument that it is effectively using for the systematic control of the masses in the entire country is called Kebele structures. It is the invention of the fascist Mengistu regime, the result of forced brutal villagization. It became clear also that individuals who guided the Woyane army to locate Juuree were members of the Kebele.
The governments of the western democracies know very well these instruments of repression and mass control. Yet they are determined to ignore them because the regime is serving their military strategy in the so-called war on terror. The regimes in Ethiopia and Eritrea are the only ones in Africa who openly and eagerly supported the American invasion of Iraq. Now it is becoming clear to the great majority of the peoples of the world that most of the human beings bombed out of existence in this war whether it is in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan , Ethiopia, Somalia, Lebanon and Palestine are innocent civilians. It seems to me that Muslims are purposely provoked to legitimize the war as a part of mainly Anglo-American strategy for world domination in post soviet era. So what does it matter if the peoples of Ethiopia are quarantined in fascistic Kebele structures even though half of them are Christians?
I met Hasan Juure immediately after I was assigned to Bale by EPRDF. At the time he commanded an armed group belonging to the Oromo Islamic Front which was part of the parliament of the so-called transitional government formed in 1991. Till I was removed from Bale I met him almost regularly together with the representative of the branch office of the Front in Goba. As a result I came to know him closely. He was a middle aged man of about fifty, looking much younger for his age, a short man, dark and agile. For years he had led a small group of fighters against the DERG in eastern Bale putting up an obstinate resistance and distinguishing himself as a heroic fighter fully committed to the fighting tradition of his people. The Bale lowland, especially Hawaxxuu and Raayitu, are the cradle of Oromo resistance against Amhara domination in Bale as far back as I remember from my early childhood. Here you find the race of men who are born fighters generation after generation and were rarely cowed despite constant repression. Unlike in the upper Bale regions where the peasantry was most of the time passive, the government could not establish full control in the dominantly pastoral and nomadic lowland. My father had great love and respect for these people and received their leaders for years when they turned up in Shabo, our village, near Goba, now wiped out from the map, due to forced villagisation under the DERG, to protest the atrocities of the security forces under Haile Selassie regime against the civilian population. The most famous among those leaders was Haji Ishaaq Daadhii, a very close associate of my father.
Hasan Juure was a practisng Muslim but not what one might call a fanatic or fundamentalist in any sense. Though uneducated, he gained through action extensive fighting skills and was always amenable to reason. I talked with him for hours in Goba and Ginnir many times and was impressed by his honesty and openness. Towards the end of my time in Bale, the Woyane army units started harassing him without informing me about their move. At that time I happened to be in Ginnir to attend the so-called routine assessment meetings in the OPDO headquarters. There were a number of TPLF commanders in the compound. It was midday. Having been sick I avoided taking food for two days and sat up in bed with my back against the wall, covering my head with a blanket. I heard somebody whispering assalaam aleikum. I looked up to see Hasan Juure standing in front of me, draping a big towel over his head and shoulders. He told me he slipped past the guards to see me, having heard the day before, of my presence in Ginnir. He said the military was after him and his men to hunt them down in violation of the charter of the transitional government.
The OPDO cadres and the Woyane officers were clearly shocked by his daring presence. When I asked the OPDO cadres what was going on I found them in utter confusion. The Woyane commanders denied trying hunting him and his men down and said they were only looking for him to discuss with him certain security problems in the area. When I asked if they could discuss the matter then with him in my presence they became suddenly cagey and uncommunicative..I insisted on knowing what the problem was. One of the commanders said nervously at this point that they acted on unfounded rumours and there was no need to discuss anything further. I asked what the rumours were. He suddenly looked perplexed. After a long silence he said he had no mandate to talk about them. Juure openly mentioned situations where TPLF army unit opened fire on him and his men. Had they not been helped by armed ordinary people in the area, surrounding the unit, he and his men would have been liquidated a number of times. I had no reason to suspect the truth of Juure’s statement and started really worrying. The commanders said they had no idea what happened and promised to check. I called a short meeting of Woyane commanders and OPDO cadres and made it clear to them that any violent action against Juure and his men was tantamount to the violation of the charter of the transitional government because, I said, I knew personally that Juuree and his men were strictly observing the charter. I said that because I knew the fact on the ground. Juree was in no position in those days to challenge the military. After the meeting both Woyane commanders and OPDO cadres tried to appear extremely amicable and friendly towards Juure, reassuring him and shaking hands with him, finally inviting us all to tee. At the end they even offered him protection on his way back to his base. Juure thanked them, saying he did not need any protection.
Almost five months after my removal from Bale the Woyane army units penetrated Juuree’s base area in a dark moonless night and surrounded him and his colleagues, gunning them down in cold blood in the early morning while they were doing morning prayers.
Together with some friends I mourned their death silently in Addis Ababa. Later a number of people informed me that the Woyane security had early on already gunned down in cold blood a number of very old peaceful and highly respected Moslem clerics in Addis Ababa and Wollo, men who, unlike Juure, were not involved whatsoever in politics. Soon, a little before I came back to Germany in 1995 the Woyane army stormed the central mosque in Addis Ababa by broad day light as we know and gunned down a large number of innocent people. The BBC tried to play down the incident. Woyane started liquidating respected Moslem figures even before the global war on terror started.
Although it is mainly targeting Muslims and oppressed nations, Woyane is also actually holding hostage the people of Abyssinia proper as well. The main instrument that it is effectively using for the systematic control of the masses in the entire country is called Kebele structures. It is the invention of the fascist Mengistu regime, the result of forced brutal villagization. It became clear also that individuals who guided the Woyane army to locate Juuree were members of the Kebele.
The governments of the western democracies know very well these instruments of repression and mass control. Yet they are determined to ignore them because the regime is serving their military strategy in the so-called war on terror. The regimes in Ethiopia and Eritrea are the only ones in Africa who openly and eagerly supported the American invasion of Iraq. Now it is becoming clear to the great majority of the peoples of the world that most of the human beings bombed out of existence in this war whether it is in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan , Ethiopia, Somalia, Lebanon and Palestine are innocent civilians. It seems to me that Muslims are purposely provoked to legitimize the war as a part of mainly Anglo-American strategy for world domination in post soviet era. So what does it matter if the peoples of Ethiopia are quarantined in fascistic Kebele structures even though half of them are Christians?
The Story of Qaasim Usman – better know by his nom de geurre “Nadhii Gammadaa”-
One of the benefits of his story is that it can benefit many youth living in these times, who lack substance. Or those who only strive for material gains. Born to a family of farmers of the Arsi-Oromo, Nadhii was a post secondary student in the mid 1970’s at a time when student movements were challenging the regime of Haile Selassie. When the regime was toppled in a military coup, Nadhii saw the military as merely another tool of oppression for his people, and so he went to east Hararge where Oromo guerrillas of the OLF, at that time led by Sh. AbdulKarim Ibrahim were based. He would spend the remainer of his adult life in the bush fighting the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam.
In the mid 1980’s, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Somalia after relations between the OLF and the Siad Barre regime had improved after a long period of hostilities. The issue stemmed from the OLF’s refusal to work with the WSLF and SALF movements and accept the name “Somali Abbo”. Anyways due to the collapse of the SALF, many of its members joining the OLF, and the decline of the WSLF the Siad Barre regime decided to maintain relations with the OLF. During his brief stay in Moqdisho, an OLF member asked Nadhii about the situation in the bush, to which Nadhii gave a memorable reply:
“I am doing something, which if you offered somebody a million dollars to do, they would never do it. But I do it with happiness. It is hard when the comrade you laughed & joked with, you lived with for so long, next thing you know you are digging his grave. When the generous family which fed you yesterday, you come back the next day and you find them slaughtered and their house burned down (by the brutal regime). But what can you do.”
On another occasion he told one of his companions that after spending over a decade in the bush walking long distances with a heavy load , “I don’t even know how to walk in a city anymore”.
One of the benefits of his story is that it can benefit many youth living in these times, who lack substance. Or those who only strive for material gains. Born to a family of farmers of the Arsi-Oromo, Nadhii was a post secondary student in the mid 1970’s at a time when student movements were challenging the regime of Haile Selassie. When the regime was toppled in a military coup, Nadhii saw the military as merely another tool of oppression for his people, and so he went to east Hararge where Oromo guerrillas of the OLF, at that time led by Sh. AbdulKarim Ibrahim were based. He would spend the remainer of his adult life in the bush fighting the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam.
In the mid 1980’s, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Somalia after relations between the OLF and the Siad Barre regime had improved after a long period of hostilities. The issue stemmed from the OLF’s refusal to work with the WSLF and SALF movements and accept the name “Somali Abbo”. Anyways due to the collapse of the SALF, many of its members joining the OLF, and the decline of the WSLF the Siad Barre regime decided to maintain relations with the OLF. During his brief stay in Moqdisho, an OLF member asked Nadhii about the situation in the bush, to which Nadhii gave a memorable reply:
“I am doing something, which if you offered somebody a million dollars to do, they would never do it. But I do it with happiness. It is hard when the comrade you laughed & joked with, you lived with for so long, next thing you know you are digging his grave. When the generous family which fed you yesterday, you come back the next day and you find them slaughtered and their house burned down (by the brutal regime). But what can you do.”
On another occasion he told one of his companions that after spending over a decade in the bush walking long distances with a heavy load , “I don’t even know how to walk in a city anymore”.
James Dahl
VIP
That's a better translation thank you
@James Dahl
James, Do you know what clan the "Habar Magaadle" that was mentioned in the Futuh is now?
James, Do you know what clan the "Habar Magaadle" that was mentioned in the Futuh is now?
James Dahl
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The Futuh actually says Habar Maqdi. The fact that it's Habar Maqdi makes both the Isaaq and the Gadabursi claim difficult to accept. The Gadabursi because the Habar is there, and the Isaaq case because Maqdi isn't really all that close to Magadle. Also if it was either of those clans, the leaders mentioned in the Futuh would be easily recognizable and they're not. So yeah personally I think the Habar Maqdi are probably an extremely obscure clan today, most of the clans who participated in the Jihad paid the price and are a shadow of their former selves today.
Thank you for the answer.
In the futuh, were the Dir's mentioned as a collective or did they mention sub clans also? I read somewhere that Gurgura were mentioned in the futuh but in other stuff I seen online, it says they just mention "dir".
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