The “Far-Right” Triumphs In Italy… But Is This Really the Case?

[AMusee]

Julius Evola (1898-1974), Italian thinker and spiritual father of the modern European right


Throughout the West “Conservatives” are ecstatic. A few days ago Italy’s main “far-right” party, Fratelli d’Italia (FdL) or “Brothers of Italy,” emerged triumphant during the country’s last general election. And the FdL’s president, Giorgia Meloni, will likely become the country’s first female PM.

Why the Western Right Can’t Get It Right​

Western conservatives admire this woman who stands against the LGBTQ+ agenda.

Their standards are so low that a politician who states that there are only two genders is perceived as being some sort of messiah.

They completely ignore her support for dissident and rebellious Iranian women using purely liberal-secular and even feminist phraseology (“rights and freedom”).

They also ignore the fact that she defends Israel using liberal-secular dogmas such as democratism.

Times of Israel reported:

She told the Hebrew daily in her interview 10 days ago she would head a “modern European and Western right-wing government” and reiterated her party’s affiliation with other mainstream conservative factions like Benjamin Netanyahu’s “Likud party, the British Tories and the American Republicans.”
[…]
“Israel represents the only fully-fledged democracy in the broader Middle East, and we defend without any reservations its right to exist and live in security. I believe that the existence of the State of Israel is vital, and Fratelli d’Italia will make every effort to invest in greater cooperation between our countries,” she said.

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A feminist and an open Zionist.

What a beautiful representation of contemporary Western conservatism!

As the London-based Italian sociologist Paolo Gerbaudo has demonstrated, it is basically because such “Western conservatism” or right-wing populism—so in vogue within contemporary Europe (consider Hungary for example)—in order to survive, is in a way an adaptation of capitalism.

Meloni’s is not a revolutionary ideology like the one Mussolini (to whom she’s compared) proposed.

Gerbaudo writes for The Nation:

It would be a mistake to interpret her rise as merely 21st-century fascism redux. She is more similar to Trump and the alt-right than to Mussolini, and while her ideology is certainly reactionary, it reflects the specific conditions we’re traversing now, rather than those at the end of World War I.
[…]
All in all, Meloni’s venture is best understood as an authoritarian response to a moment of prolonged capitalist crisis. At least in the short term, it will not do away with liberal democracy wholesale. Rather, it will weaponize popular consensus in the service of capitalist interests, for which it will guarantee order and continuity during an unstable time, resorting to nationalistic and radical conservative rhetoric as a means to divert people’s anger away from corporate rapacity. At a time when globalization is imploding and neoliberal policies are no longer able to win popular consensus, her mixture of nationalism, conservatism, and rabid culture war rhetoric, combined with strong support for business and the rich, is the best offer in store for the capitalist class.
In the 1920s, business interests switched allegiances from liberalism to fascism to find someone capable of defending them against an emboldened working class and the threat of a communist revolution. In 2022, there may be many similarities, but the picture is in certain respects even more pathetic. Lite fascists or “national conservatives” are not called upon to stymie a rebellion of the working class but simply to further curb workers’ and citizens’ existing freedoms and economic expectations, using the “national interest” and growing international instability as an excuse to wage an internal war against the poor.

In basic terms: it’s merely a civil war between different strands of modernism.

Meloni proposes nothing revolutionary to counter modernity. Quite the opposite in fact, she simply tries to salvage it by manipulating the masses.
She’s even less radical and conservative than Mussolini who, having studied under Vil Pareto in Switzerland in the early 1900s, was skeptical of liberal-democracy. Pareto had basically intimated how democracy is always the game of a select few among the elite.

Meloni doesn’t even go this far. She embraces economic liberalism (capitalism) but somehow expects to avoid the collateral damage from cultural liberalism. After all, if individualism is “legitimate” towards justifying capitalism or democratism, why would individualism suddenly become bad when it’s in relation to choosing one’s own gender?

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Julius Evola Exposes the Pseudo-Right​

Julius Evola is considered Italy’s most influential right-wing ideologue.
Evola, who was close to the Perennialists and especially to René Guénon, dismissed what is now considered to be right-wing or conservatism because it embraced modernist dogmas.

Evola described himself as being “post-fascist.” This was precisely because, according to him, “classical” fascism was still modernist in many aspects, including appealing to the masses or embracing materialism by making economics the beginning and end all of politics.
Such criticisms of the mainstream right-wing can be found extensively in his postwar books, most importantly Men Among the Ruins (1953). There is also a pamphlet called Orientations (1950), just a few pages long, which summarizes his views.

He writes:

Therefore there is a new substance that must make its way in a slow advance beyond the boxes, columns, and social positions of the past. We need to have a new figure before our eyes to measure our own force and our own vocation. It is important, or rather basic, to recognise that this figure has nothing to do with classes as economic categories and with the antagonisms related to them.
[…]
This formulation defines a direction that calls itself as much anti-bourgeois as antiproletarian, a direction completely liberated from democratic contaminations and ‘social’ whims, because it leads to a world that is clear, virile, articulated, and made of men and men’s guides. It has contempt for the bourgeois myth of ‘security’, and the petty life that is standardised, conformist, domesticated, and ‘moralised’. Contempt for the anodyne fetter that is part and parcel of every collectivist and mechanical system and all the ideologies that attribute to confused ‘social’ values the primacy over those heroic and spiritual values with which the true man, the absolute person, ought to be defined for us in every area.
[…]
It is important not only for doctrinal orientation, but also in regard to the world of action, that the men of the new group precisely recognise the chain of causes and effects and the essential continuity of the current that has given life to the various political forms that are jousting today in the chaos of the parties. Liberalism, then democracy, then socialism, then radicalism, and finally Communism and Bolshevism, only appeared historically as steps taken by the same evil, as stages in which each one prepares the next in the complex unity of a process of decline. The beginning of this process is the point at which Western man shattered the fetters of tradition, rejected every superior symbol of authority and sovereignty, claimed a vain and illusory liberty for himself as an individual, and became an atom instead of a conscious part in the organic and hierarchical unity of a whole.

So it goes without saying that Evola, the supposed father figure of the modern Italian (and in fact European) right-wing—who himself ended up disowning Mussolini—would have certainly rejected Meloni and Western “conservatives” as a whole for embracing various aspects of modernism (capitalism, democratism, and so on).

In conclusion, it looks like the Western right will never go that far, even when it’s the far-right. And also that, once again, the only solution for Westerners is to embrace a genuine alternative to modernity, which is Islam.

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