Somalis return home from UK to escape knife crime.
- Thread starter Grigori Rasputin
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@Mehmet
Alshabaab used to force feed hyena to reer Kismayo when they ruled the city. Were you there and tasted?
No as al shaytan is never where i am and boy to think they called themselfs muslims but force folks to violate laws about eating animals that suffocate or eat alive their pray which is haram
@Mehmet
Not only Alshabaab, but the Shafi’ school also believes that it’s permissible for Muslims to eat hyenas and foxes. They claim the fangs of both animals to be weak and thereby halal. check Islamqa
In islam one can not eat an animal that kills using suffication plus inventions in islam is forbidden
@Mehmet
Ahmed Madoobe was smart, when he was with Alshabaab and ruled Kismayo, he forced reer @nine to eat hyenas till they all became sick and could no longer fight. He changed shirts, left Alshabaab and became a Democrat and they’re still sick. Checkmate. Madoobe should become an advisor to Trump and checkmate Iran.
Ahmed Madoobe was smart, when he was with Alshabaab and ruled Kismayo, he forced reer @nine to eat hyenas till they all became sick and could no longer fight. He changed shirts, left Alshabaab and became a Democrat and they’re still sick. Checkmate. Madoobe should become an advisor to Trump and checkmate Iran.
Loool donald needs to choke out china first and than who ever else
It depends on if your dying in a desert but kismayo is a farmland
@Mehmet
You are talking out of necessity and I’m telling it is Ok to eat it anytime. Kismayo is not a farmland but the towns and villages near the Jubba river has the farms and most of it are controlled by Alshabaab. Prepare the tolka for Hyena meat.
No not true at all so just stop
Loool i will pass and enjoy amina's special cambulo/digir instead
@Mehmet
Were the imams wrong about fox and hyena?
Answered according to Shafi'i Fiqh by Qibla.com
Answered by Shaykh Amjad Rasheed
The ShafiI imams, may Allah be well pleased with them, have mentioned that eating fox and hyena is permissible. Was this ruling based on information that may not have been up-to-date with what we know today, that might show that they were incorrect?
Answer:
Our imams did not base their saying of the permissibility of eating fox and hyena on contemporary facts, meaning medical or zoological. Rather, they based it on established legal principles and proofs that are established in their relevant sources.
Among these principles is that whatever does not attack with its fangs is halal to eat. The fox and hyena do have fangs, but they are weak, and they dont attack with them. Tirmidhi related in his authentic chain that the Prophet, may Allahs peace and blessings be upon him, said about hyena, It is permissible to eat. And our imam, Imam al-ShafiI, may Allah be well pleased with him and have mercy on him, said People still eat it between Safa and Marwa, without any blame. Our imams did analogy of the fox with the hyena, because of both have weak fangs, as we mentioned.
السؤال: لقد ذكر أئمةُ المذهب الشافعي رضي الله عنهم أن أكل الثعلب والضبع جائز ، فهل كان ذلك استناداً على معلومات علمية يُمكن أن يكون العلمُ المعاصر اليوم قد اكتشف عدمَ صحتها ؟
الجواب : لم يبنِ أئمتُنا قولَهم بحل أكل الثعلب والضبع على معلومات علمية ؛ بمعنى طبية أو ما يتعلق بتكوين الحيوان ، وإنما بنوا ذلك على قواعدَ وأدلةٍ شرعية قرَّروها معلومةٍ في بابها ، منها : أنَّ ما ليس له نابٌ يَعْدُو به فهو حلالٌ ، والثعلبُ والضبعُ لهما نابٌ لكنَّ نابهما ضعيفٌ لا يَعْدُوان به ، وقد روى الترمذيُّ بسندٍ صحيحٍ أنه صلى الله عليه وسلم قال في الضبع : ” يحلُّ أكله “. وقال إمامُنا الشافعي رضي الله عنه ورحمه :” ما زالَ الناسُ يأكلونها بين الصفا والمروة من غير نكير “. وقاس أئمتنا الثعلب على الضبع بجامع ضعف ناب كلٍّ كما مرَّ .
https://islamqa.org/shafii/qibla-shafii/33336
Oh okay but still i eat grasseaters only
Young Somali men growing up in the West left alienated and at risk of violence (Britain)
Police in Camden, after a young man of Somali origin was stabbed
The recent spate of knife crime in British cities has brought many young Somalis into the criminal justice system and claimed several lives. In mid-February 2019, 16-year-old Sidali Mohamed died after being stabbed as he was leaving school in Birmingham. In September 2018, Guled Farah, a 19-year-old of Somali-British origin was gunned down in Walthamstow, east London. Earlier that year, two young men of Somali origin were killed on the same night in Camden, north London.
In May 2018, the Anti-Tribalism Movement, a Somali youth organisation in London on whose board I sit, invited me to a sobering forum about youth knife crime. The discussion at the workshop quickly became intense. A former gang member shared his experiences: “I started this business (of being in a gang) at the age nine,” he said. Now, he runs his own sports club to rehabilitate other gang members.
“I’m curious,” I asked him, “what do Somali gangs do?” He told me that to prove themselves and get promoted in the ranks of their gangs they needed to act ruthlessly and violently. He said they also try to recruit young people who are particularly isolated, and start to share drugs with their own siblings, friends and relatives.
“Are there Somali girl gangs?” a young woman asked. “Yes,” the man nodded, adding that their numbers are increasing.
Sadly, it seems that Somali youth in London haven’t been spared the trauma of the ruthless civil war that many of their parents endured, the legacy of which, followed by continued violence by Al-Shabaab militants, forced many to leave the country.
Being a young Somali
In my own PhD research, which looked at the integration experiences of young Somali men in Australia and the US, I found that Somali youth were particularly susceptible to criminality and Islamist extremism. Among the causes for this I identified were social marginalisation, poverty, unemployment, racism, identity crises, Islamophobia, Western governments’ foreign policies toward Muslim countries, and the dysfunction of the Somali community.
My case studies of the experiences of Somali men in Minneapolis and Melbourne showed many tended to be ambivalent about Somalia and their cultural identity. This is driven by negative media coverage of Somalia, focused on famine, piracy, Al-Shabaab militants and clan warfare, as well as a shortage of resources for the Somali community. Still, I found that Somali youth in US had a more developed sense of belonging to the US compared to those in Australia, the UK and elsewhere in the EU.
Yet, based on my ongoing research and conversations with the Somali diaspora around the world, it appears that the inclusive multiculturalism of countries such as the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand – where different cultures can easily intermingle – have created an environment that gives young Somalis particularly little time to culturally adapt. Many young Somalis I’ve met, who were either born in the West or came early in their childhood, do not speak the Somali language.
In contrast, I recently met with Somali families from Switzerland, Italy, Norway and Sweden and I was amazed at their children’s fluency in the Somali language and their affinity with their cultural roots. In Switzerland, Finland and Sweden, Somali is taught in schools, helping to improve young people’s communication with their families and community. This matters, because language and cultural preservation keep young people connected to the Somali community. From my conversations with members of the Somali diaspora around the world, I believe such connections could help to prevent young people from joining criminal gangs.
Not leaving it too late
Back in London, the Somali youth at the forum on knife crime described the legacy of family breakdown, the lack of positive mentoring and positive role models within the Somali community. As one young man put it: “There is a shortage of emotional intelligence and encouragement in the community.”
Another young woman at the London forum said: “You know Somali parents get mad when it is too late. They don’t prevent children getting in trouble.” Like we Somalis say, Waxa aad qarsato waa ku qarsadaa (what you hide, hides you too), meaning Somali parents do not speak out and seek help at early stages when their children are in trouble, but they do seek help when things get out of hand.
The exception is when the trouble is associated with activities influenced by religion. Conversations I’ve had with Somali community experts suggest they believe Somali parents are less likely to report incidents of religious extremism to the police than they are to report sexual crime, knife or drug incidents. A specific referral service with religious legitimacy for young people suspected of extremism could help alleviate this. That said, my ongoing research is chronicling the way in which the longer members of the Somali community stay in the West, the more closely aligned they become to arguments that a crime is a crime, whether committed in the name of religion or otherwise.
In order to protect young Somalis from becoming the victim of violence or radicalisation, community leaders should help to foster links with their traditional culture. This could include meetings with moderate sheikhs with religious legitimacy and the development of specific services for the community. Somali communities should also demonstrate leadership and confront all kinds of violence for the welfare of the wider UK society. And to the citizens of Britain: open your hearts and minds to this community – reach out to the new arrivals and make them feel at home.
http://theconversation.com/young-so...left-alienated-and-at-risk-of-violence-106664
Police in Camden, after a young man of Somali origin was stabbed
The recent spate of knife crime in British cities has brought many young Somalis into the criminal justice system and claimed several lives. In mid-February 2019, 16-year-old Sidali Mohamed died after being stabbed as he was leaving school in Birmingham. In September 2018, Guled Farah, a 19-year-old of Somali-British origin was gunned down in Walthamstow, east London. Earlier that year, two young men of Somali origin were killed on the same night in Camden, north London.
In May 2018, the Anti-Tribalism Movement, a Somali youth organisation in London on whose board I sit, invited me to a sobering forum about youth knife crime. The discussion at the workshop quickly became intense. A former gang member shared his experiences: “I started this business (of being in a gang) at the age nine,” he said. Now, he runs his own sports club to rehabilitate other gang members.
“I’m curious,” I asked him, “what do Somali gangs do?” He told me that to prove themselves and get promoted in the ranks of their gangs they needed to act ruthlessly and violently. He said they also try to recruit young people who are particularly isolated, and start to share drugs with their own siblings, friends and relatives.
“Are there Somali girl gangs?” a young woman asked. “Yes,” the man nodded, adding that their numbers are increasing.
Sadly, it seems that Somali youth in London haven’t been spared the trauma of the ruthless civil war that many of their parents endured, the legacy of which, followed by continued violence by Al-Shabaab militants, forced many to leave the country.
Being a young Somali
In my own PhD research, which looked at the integration experiences of young Somali men in Australia and the US, I found that Somali youth were particularly susceptible to criminality and Islamist extremism. Among the causes for this I identified were social marginalisation, poverty, unemployment, racism, identity crises, Islamophobia, Western governments’ foreign policies toward Muslim countries, and the dysfunction of the Somali community.
My case studies of the experiences of Somali men in Minneapolis and Melbourne showed many tended to be ambivalent about Somalia and their cultural identity. This is driven by negative media coverage of Somalia, focused on famine, piracy, Al-Shabaab militants and clan warfare, as well as a shortage of resources for the Somali community. Still, I found that Somali youth in US had a more developed sense of belonging to the US compared to those in Australia, the UK and elsewhere in the EU.
Yet, based on my ongoing research and conversations with the Somali diaspora around the world, it appears that the inclusive multiculturalism of countries such as the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand – where different cultures can easily intermingle – have created an environment that gives young Somalis particularly little time to culturally adapt. Many young Somalis I’ve met, who were either born in the West or came early in their childhood, do not speak the Somali language.
In contrast, I recently met with Somali families from Switzerland, Italy, Norway and Sweden and I was amazed at their children’s fluency in the Somali language and their affinity with their cultural roots. In Switzerland, Finland and Sweden, Somali is taught in schools, helping to improve young people’s communication with their families and community. This matters, because language and cultural preservation keep young people connected to the Somali community. From my conversations with members of the Somali diaspora around the world, I believe such connections could help to prevent young people from joining criminal gangs.
Not leaving it too late
Back in London, the Somali youth at the forum on knife crime described the legacy of family breakdown, the lack of positive mentoring and positive role models within the Somali community. As one young man put it: “There is a shortage of emotional intelligence and encouragement in the community.”
Another young woman at the London forum said: “You know Somali parents get mad when it is too late. They don’t prevent children getting in trouble.” Like we Somalis say, Waxa aad qarsato waa ku qarsadaa (what you hide, hides you too), meaning Somali parents do not speak out and seek help at early stages when their children are in trouble, but they do seek help when things get out of hand.
The exception is when the trouble is associated with activities influenced by religion. Conversations I’ve had with Somali community experts suggest they believe Somali parents are less likely to report incidents of religious extremism to the police than they are to report sexual crime, knife or drug incidents. A specific referral service with religious legitimacy for young people suspected of extremism could help alleviate this. That said, my ongoing research is chronicling the way in which the longer members of the Somali community stay in the West, the more closely aligned they become to arguments that a crime is a crime, whether committed in the name of religion or otherwise.
In order to protect young Somalis from becoming the victim of violence or radicalisation, community leaders should help to foster links with their traditional culture. This could include meetings with moderate sheikhs with religious legitimacy and the development of specific services for the community. Somali communities should also demonstrate leadership and confront all kinds of violence for the welfare of the wider UK society. And to the citizens of Britain: open your hearts and minds to this community – reach out to the new arrivals and make them feel at home.
http://theconversation.com/young-so...left-alienated-and-at-risk-of-violence-106664
Britain’s Somalis. The road is long.
Somalis fare much worse than other immigrants; what holds them back?
BARBER shops are excellent places for gossip. Hassan Ali’s place in Kentish Town is no different. The north Londoner arrived in Britain from Somalia with dreams of becoming a mechanic. But he was good at cutting hair: you do whatever work you can, he says. Most Somalis—Britain’s largest refugee population—do not work. They are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed in Britain. In a country where other refugees have flourished, why do Somalis do so badly?
The first Somalis to arrive in Britain, over a century ago, were economic migrants. Merchant seamen settled in cities with docks: Cardiff, Liverpool and London. As civil war ravaged Somalia in the 1990s, refugees flocked to Britain. In 1999, the high-water mark, 7,495 Somalis arrived (11% of the refugees that arrived in Britain that year). Since then, the influx has slowed (see first chart); it still leaves a large community. The 2011 census identified 101,370 people in England and Wales who were born in Somalia.
Poverty is their first problem. Over 80% of Somali-speaking pupils qualify for free school meals. In Waltham Forest, a borough in east London, home to nearly 4,000 Somalis, 73% live in households on benefits. More than 50% of British Somalis rent from local councils, the highest proportion of any foreign-born population. In nearby Tower Hamlets 2010 data showed that Somalis were twice as likely as white Britons to be behind with the rent. The cost of their economic marginalisation hurts them, and is a toll on the public sector, too.
Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them.
This helps to explain the pitiful employment rates among Britain’s Somalis (see second chart). Just one in ten is in full-time work. Many Somali households are headed by women who came to Britain without their husbands. Fitting work around child care is a struggle. Without work, Somali men while away their days chewing khat, a mild stimulative leaf. Awale Olad, a Somali councillor in London, supports the government’s recent decision to ban the drug. But others fear it will needlessly criminalise a generation of men.
Religion, however, is an overstated problem. It is true that, like their Bangladeshi and Pakistani counterparts, some young Somalis are embracing stricter forms of Islam. Amina Ali, who hopes to stand as an MP at the next election, worries when she sees girls of three wearing headscarves. People can respect Islam without being so conservative, she says. But religion unites young Somalis with other young Muslims, says Ismail Einashe, a journalist. A few are radicalised, but most are not.
This cocktail of poverty and unemployment dogs Somalis elsewhere too. In 2009 they were the least-employed group in Denmark. The Norwegian government is so worried about its Somali community it wants research done on their plight. Even discounting such factors as religion, age and experience, compared with other black Africans in Britain, Somalis face an “ethnic penalty” when job-hunting. Their disadvantages are clear. But Britain is rightly perceived as a country in which it is relatively easy to set up businesses; it also offers the hope of a warm welcome with its large Somali and Muslim population. This should bode well for Somalis.
Many are hopeful. Somalis want their children to succeed, so growing numbers are hiring private tutors (see article). In 2000 just one Somali teenager in the London borough of Camden passed five GCSEs with good grades. To improve matters, the council and others set up the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre, which mentors students and lends them books. Last year the figure rose to 59%.
Abdikadir Ahmed, who works there, says his organisation encourages people to put the entrepreneurial skills they learn in gangs to better use. He works with Somalis locked up in Feltham prison, a young-offenders jail. Their numbers are dropping, he reckons. Somalis played little part in the summer riots of 2011.
This investment reflects a deeper change. For years many Somalis kept their suitcases packed, ready to return to Africa for good, says Mr Olad. Firm in the belief that they would soon be on the move, there was little point in putting down deep roots, or encouraging their children to do so. But the current generation of Somalis grew up in Britain. For them a permanent return to Somalia holds less appeal. Young British Somalis still embrace their nomadic heritage. But now they seek a dual identity, able to flit between two homelands and, they hope, to make the best of both.
https://www.economist.com/britain/2013/08/17/the-road-is-long
Somalis fare much worse than other immigrants; what holds them back?
BARBER shops are excellent places for gossip. Hassan Ali’s place in Kentish Town is no different. The north Londoner arrived in Britain from Somalia with dreams of becoming a mechanic. But he was good at cutting hair: you do whatever work you can, he says. Most Somalis—Britain’s largest refugee population—do not work. They are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed in Britain. In a country where other refugees have flourished, why do Somalis do so badly?
The first Somalis to arrive in Britain, over a century ago, were economic migrants. Merchant seamen settled in cities with docks: Cardiff, Liverpool and London. As civil war ravaged Somalia in the 1990s, refugees flocked to Britain. In 1999, the high-water mark, 7,495 Somalis arrived (11% of the refugees that arrived in Britain that year). Since then, the influx has slowed (see first chart); it still leaves a large community. The 2011 census identified 101,370 people in England and Wales who were born in Somalia.
Poverty is their first problem. Over 80% of Somali-speaking pupils qualify for free school meals. In Waltham Forest, a borough in east London, home to nearly 4,000 Somalis, 73% live in households on benefits. More than 50% of British Somalis rent from local councils, the highest proportion of any foreign-born population. In nearby Tower Hamlets 2010 data showed that Somalis were twice as likely as white Britons to be behind with the rent. The cost of their economic marginalisation hurts them, and is a toll on the public sector, too.
Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them.
This helps to explain the pitiful employment rates among Britain’s Somalis (see second chart). Just one in ten is in full-time work. Many Somali households are headed by women who came to Britain without their husbands. Fitting work around child care is a struggle. Without work, Somali men while away their days chewing khat, a mild stimulative leaf. Awale Olad, a Somali councillor in London, supports the government’s recent decision to ban the drug. But others fear it will needlessly criminalise a generation of men.
Religion, however, is an overstated problem. It is true that, like their Bangladeshi and Pakistani counterparts, some young Somalis are embracing stricter forms of Islam. Amina Ali, who hopes to stand as an MP at the next election, worries when she sees girls of three wearing headscarves. People can respect Islam without being so conservative, she says. But religion unites young Somalis with other young Muslims, says Ismail Einashe, a journalist. A few are radicalised, but most are not.
This cocktail of poverty and unemployment dogs Somalis elsewhere too. In 2009 they were the least-employed group in Denmark. The Norwegian government is so worried about its Somali community it wants research done on their plight. Even discounting such factors as religion, age and experience, compared with other black Africans in Britain, Somalis face an “ethnic penalty” when job-hunting. Their disadvantages are clear. But Britain is rightly perceived as a country in which it is relatively easy to set up businesses; it also offers the hope of a warm welcome with its large Somali and Muslim population. This should bode well for Somalis.
Many are hopeful. Somalis want their children to succeed, so growing numbers are hiring private tutors (see article). In 2000 just one Somali teenager in the London borough of Camden passed five GCSEs with good grades. To improve matters, the council and others set up the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre, which mentors students and lends them books. Last year the figure rose to 59%.
Abdikadir Ahmed, who works there, says his organisation encourages people to put the entrepreneurial skills they learn in gangs to better use. He works with Somalis locked up in Feltham prison, a young-offenders jail. Their numbers are dropping, he reckons. Somalis played little part in the summer riots of 2011.
This investment reflects a deeper change. For years many Somalis kept their suitcases packed, ready to return to Africa for good, says Mr Olad. Firm in the belief that they would soon be on the move, there was little point in putting down deep roots, or encouraging their children to do so. But the current generation of Somalis grew up in Britain. For them a permanent return to Somalia holds less appeal. Young British Somalis still embrace their nomadic heritage. But now they seek a dual identity, able to flit between two homelands and, they hope, to make the best of both.
https://www.economist.com/britain/2013/08/17/the-road-is-long
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