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Sheikh Hassan Barsane, known as Haji Hassan, the famous anticolonial leader of Somalia, was born in a village called Barsane, in the Shabeylle regions in 1853. He was the son of a well-known respected elder. Whilst his family were traditional cattle-herders and pastoralists, as a young child he was taught the basics of the Islamic religion. Hassan grew up in a society of clan systems where an individual held firm to his kinsmen to survive. But his contemporaries claim that Hassan was intrigued by this behaviour. He felt that the Somali people needed to uphold their religion in order to become a great power. It was through this that Hassan felt greatly influenced by the Salihiya order of the Sufi stock.
In his adolescence, Hassan further pursued seeking knowledge of his religion and travelled to various towns and cities including Mogadiscio, Warscheikh, Harrar and elsewhere. Later on in his life he journeyed to Mecca and parts of Hijaz (Saudi Arabia) for pilgrimage as well as knowledge. There he met the equally known famous leader Mohammed Abdille Hassan, dubbed the Mad Mullah by the British. Both men, born of similar age and background had acquainted themselves with respect and harmony. At their sojourn they had discussed important affairs regarding the state of Somalia. Their stay at Mecca had coincided with the great colonial influence that overtook Somalia since 1870. Both men, who held colonialism with great contempt, had agreed a pact of brotherhood and defence against their enemy [1]. Hence, towards the last decade of the 19th century, Hassan returned to Somalia, setting up an important jama’a in a village called Jilyale. There, he gathered a powerful following, with the basis of teaching Islam. The Italians who now ruledSouthern Somalia had become concerned with his work and sent an envoy to monitor his work. Hassan felt increasingly disturbed by this and thereafter began his campaign to rid colonialism from Somalia altogether. He managed to set up a small fort in Taytayley, later to be destroyed by Italian-led troopers in the fascist era.
THE EARLY ITALIAN ATTACK
Hassan had great relations with the clan elders and figures of the South. From the townspeople of Brava to the elders of Maregh and Itala, Hassan ensured moral support to lead the anticolonial campaign. He held contacts with chieftains in the Ogaden desert, encouraging them to set up tariqa’s and anticolonial activities such as the village of Een near the Erer river. In 1891, upon the Italian conclusive settlement at Mogadiscio with the local rulers, Hassan set up a powerful base in Danane near Merca, to gather men and import weapons. This was at the time when Italian officials held meetings with tribal chieftains, in an attempt to sign treaties of protection and commerce. Although the Italians had secured agreements with several clans, there was a still a place of mistrust between both sides. In 1892, when the Italians had more or less secured their Somali colony, Hassan led an attack from his Danane port, killing an Eritrean contingent of Italian and British navy suppliers, who retaliated with a naval bombardment from one of their prestigious Warships, capturing hundreds of warrior-fighters and placed them in a ditch near Mogadiscio, including Sheik Abdi Gafle, Hassan’s fellow comrade, who later escaped and regrouped with Hassan. Although the Italians suffered minimal damage, this was a rare incidence in Somali history where colonial punishment reached paramount level. Hassan was now a daunting enemy and the Italians decided to hold onto their coastal possessions in order to regroup and save time.
THE ETHIOPIAN THREAT
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, more than 3,000 Amharic horsemen led by Ras Makonnen had been pushing down the Shabeylle river valley in an attempt to capture Somali territory and expand the Abyssinian Empire. [3] Ras Makonnen had previously informed colonial powers that everything beyond the Somali coastal waters was part and parcel of Abyssinia. Hassan, who feared for his people, gathered a united strength of kinsmen and confronted Amharic forces. The units of the local clans, commanded by his trustworthy students, Sheikh Abukar, Sheikh Oyaye etc were ready for battle. Also, after gaining help from Ololdin, a powerful sultan from Mustahil who befriended Hassan, further supplies were dispatched to him. Hassan’s forces clashed with Amharas in Galo Karor, Bulo Burti, Yaqbariwein, El Abdi and elsewhere. After months of clashes and collisions, the Amharas were eventually pushed back to the Ogaden desert, deep in the west.
Whilst this may have seemed like a great victory, Haji Hassan was on the watchout for the Italians who were seemingly trying to move further into the Banadir hinterland. [4] The Italians were already stationed at various places in the South including Adale, Lugh, Baidoa etc. Both sides had remained in this status quo for a short period. However, in 1910, the Italians managed to come to a mutual understanding with Haji Hassan regarding the slave encampments.
THE FIRST WORLD WAR
By 1915, the Italians had made little progress in dealing with Haji Hassan and the colony overall. Although auxiliary troopers and the Zaptie which the Italian consul general dipatched from Eritrea had succeeded in leading several confrontations and skimirshes, particularly in the lower Shabeylle basin, [5] the Italian parliament were now frustrated with the lack of progression since Haji Hassan pursued two policies which enabled a balance of power for himself. The first was that he ordered his forces to poison some of the field crops and harvest around the Giohar area in order to make the local agriculture inadequate. Whilst Hassan saw this as part of a greater campaign to deter the Italians, many were stressed with the possibility of starvation. His forces however, worked on tirelessly, chanting out “Su’aal Sh Xasan baa leh, siibista anagaa leh” (the issue lies with Hassan, but the work is carried out by the faithful). The second policy was that he revived the slave camps, although the Italians had abolished it [6], in order to maintain supplies since the slaves were specialized in weapon-making. Tittoni, the Italian Foreign Minister, who had now become concerned with Hassan’s movements, questioned his officials based in Mogadiscio, who claimed that Hassan was a mere Muslim who understood little of his own religion. Critics however, pointed out Hassan as a “warrior-mullah and a freedom fighter”.
When the Italians became occupied with the World War, much of their colonial activity decreased. This enabled Hassan to conduct alliances with Lij Iyasu, the Emperor of Ethiopia who converted to the Islamic religion in 1916. Local colonial agents and spies had reported Iyasu plotting with Hassan and several other chiefs including the Mad Mullah .
An exchange of letters had shown that a plan to resurrect a Muslim Empire in East Africa, free from Christian influence was discussed. And Hassan for the first time ever, had come across international support, that being from the Ottomans and the Germans of the Central Powers, who were at war with the Allied forces, which included Italy. Although some suggest that Hassan had already acquired support from Zanzibar officials based in Brava and Kismayu. In all conclusion, this was the first time since the Sudanese Mahdi when thoughts of a Muslim theocracy were encouraged.
THE POST WORLD WAR ERA
The defeat of the Central Powers gave the Allied forces a greal deal of global power. The colonialists had encouraged a stronger grip on their possessions seeing as there was no longer a rival hanging in the gloom. It was during this time that Italy was overrun by a Fascist regime, appointing De Vecchi as governor in 1923. And seeing the British finally solidify their portion of Somaliland, De Vecchi thought it be necessary to likewise end the tirade of Haji Hassan, in a plan to conquer ‘La Grande Somala’.
In 1924, De Vecchi ordered Haji Hassan to give up his weapons and submit to Italian rule. [8] Hassan, enraged by the arrogance and delusion of the fascists, induced a meeting with his associates and agreed to send a threatening letter that warned the Italians of an all-out war. He claimed:
“In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful … I have received your letter and understood its contents, but must advise that we cannot obey your orders and join with you in a covenant . . . Your government has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet . . . We are not like other people, none of us has ever enrolled in the Zaptie (colonial forces), never! … and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means … The world is very close to its end, only 58 years remain. We don’t want to stay in this world. It is better to die while defending our laws.”
De Vecchi did not tolerate such display of defiance and ordered his commanders to prepare and launch a final showdown in order to capture Hassan alive.
In his adolescence, Hassan further pursued seeking knowledge of his religion and travelled to various towns and cities including Mogadiscio, Warscheikh, Harrar and elsewhere. Later on in his life he journeyed to Mecca and parts of Hijaz (Saudi Arabia) for pilgrimage as well as knowledge. There he met the equally known famous leader Mohammed Abdille Hassan, dubbed the Mad Mullah by the British. Both men, born of similar age and background had acquainted themselves with respect and harmony. At their sojourn they had discussed important affairs regarding the state of Somalia. Their stay at Mecca had coincided with the great colonial influence that overtook Somalia since 1870. Both men, who held colonialism with great contempt, had agreed a pact of brotherhood and defence against their enemy [1]. Hence, towards the last decade of the 19th century, Hassan returned to Somalia, setting up an important jama’a in a village called Jilyale. There, he gathered a powerful following, with the basis of teaching Islam. The Italians who now ruledSouthern Somalia had become concerned with his work and sent an envoy to monitor his work. Hassan felt increasingly disturbed by this and thereafter began his campaign to rid colonialism from Somalia altogether. He managed to set up a small fort in Taytayley, later to be destroyed by Italian-led troopers in the fascist era.
THE EARLY ITALIAN ATTACK
Hassan had great relations with the clan elders and figures of the South. From the townspeople of Brava to the elders of Maregh and Itala, Hassan ensured moral support to lead the anticolonial campaign. He held contacts with chieftains in the Ogaden desert, encouraging them to set up tariqa’s and anticolonial activities such as the village of Een near the Erer river. In 1891, upon the Italian conclusive settlement at Mogadiscio with the local rulers, Hassan set up a powerful base in Danane near Merca, to gather men and import weapons. This was at the time when Italian officials held meetings with tribal chieftains, in an attempt to sign treaties of protection and commerce. Although the Italians had secured agreements with several clans, there was a still a place of mistrust between both sides. In 1892, when the Italians had more or less secured their Somali colony, Hassan led an attack from his Danane port, killing an Eritrean contingent of Italian and British navy suppliers, who retaliated with a naval bombardment from one of their prestigious Warships, capturing hundreds of warrior-fighters and placed them in a ditch near Mogadiscio, including Sheik Abdi Gafle, Hassan’s fellow comrade, who later escaped and regrouped with Hassan. Although the Italians suffered minimal damage, this was a rare incidence in Somali history where colonial punishment reached paramount level. Hassan was now a daunting enemy and the Italians decided to hold onto their coastal possessions in order to regroup and save time.
THE ETHIOPIAN THREAT
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, more than 3,000 Amharic horsemen led by Ras Makonnen had been pushing down the Shabeylle river valley in an attempt to capture Somali territory and expand the Abyssinian Empire. [3] Ras Makonnen had previously informed colonial powers that everything beyond the Somali coastal waters was part and parcel of Abyssinia. Hassan, who feared for his people, gathered a united strength of kinsmen and confronted Amharic forces. The units of the local clans, commanded by his trustworthy students, Sheikh Abukar, Sheikh Oyaye etc were ready for battle. Also, after gaining help from Ololdin, a powerful sultan from Mustahil who befriended Hassan, further supplies were dispatched to him. Hassan’s forces clashed with Amharas in Galo Karor, Bulo Burti, Yaqbariwein, El Abdi and elsewhere. After months of clashes and collisions, the Amharas were eventually pushed back to the Ogaden desert, deep in the west.
Whilst this may have seemed like a great victory, Haji Hassan was on the watchout for the Italians who were seemingly trying to move further into the Banadir hinterland. [4] The Italians were already stationed at various places in the South including Adale, Lugh, Baidoa etc. Both sides had remained in this status quo for a short period. However, in 1910, the Italians managed to come to a mutual understanding with Haji Hassan regarding the slave encampments.
THE FIRST WORLD WAR
By 1915, the Italians had made little progress in dealing with Haji Hassan and the colony overall. Although auxiliary troopers and the Zaptie which the Italian consul general dipatched from Eritrea had succeeded in leading several confrontations and skimirshes, particularly in the lower Shabeylle basin, [5] the Italian parliament were now frustrated with the lack of progression since Haji Hassan pursued two policies which enabled a balance of power for himself. The first was that he ordered his forces to poison some of the field crops and harvest around the Giohar area in order to make the local agriculture inadequate. Whilst Hassan saw this as part of a greater campaign to deter the Italians, many were stressed with the possibility of starvation. His forces however, worked on tirelessly, chanting out “Su’aal Sh Xasan baa leh, siibista anagaa leh” (the issue lies with Hassan, but the work is carried out by the faithful). The second policy was that he revived the slave camps, although the Italians had abolished it [6], in order to maintain supplies since the slaves were specialized in weapon-making. Tittoni, the Italian Foreign Minister, who had now become concerned with Hassan’s movements, questioned his officials based in Mogadiscio, who claimed that Hassan was a mere Muslim who understood little of his own religion. Critics however, pointed out Hassan as a “warrior-mullah and a freedom fighter”.
When the Italians became occupied with the World War, much of their colonial activity decreased. This enabled Hassan to conduct alliances with Lij Iyasu, the Emperor of Ethiopia who converted to the Islamic religion in 1916. Local colonial agents and spies had reported Iyasu plotting with Hassan and several other chiefs including the Mad Mullah .
An exchange of letters had shown that a plan to resurrect a Muslim Empire in East Africa, free from Christian influence was discussed. And Hassan for the first time ever, had come across international support, that being from the Ottomans and the Germans of the Central Powers, who were at war with the Allied forces, which included Italy. Although some suggest that Hassan had already acquired support from Zanzibar officials based in Brava and Kismayu. In all conclusion, this was the first time since the Sudanese Mahdi when thoughts of a Muslim theocracy were encouraged.
THE POST WORLD WAR ERA
The defeat of the Central Powers gave the Allied forces a greal deal of global power. The colonialists had encouraged a stronger grip on their possessions seeing as there was no longer a rival hanging in the gloom. It was during this time that Italy was overrun by a Fascist regime, appointing De Vecchi as governor in 1923. And seeing the British finally solidify their portion of Somaliland, De Vecchi thought it be necessary to likewise end the tirade of Haji Hassan, in a plan to conquer ‘La Grande Somala’.
In 1924, De Vecchi ordered Haji Hassan to give up his weapons and submit to Italian rule. [8] Hassan, enraged by the arrogance and delusion of the fascists, induced a meeting with his associates and agreed to send a threatening letter that warned the Italians of an all-out war. He claimed:
“In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful … I have received your letter and understood its contents, but must advise that we cannot obey your orders and join with you in a covenant . . . Your government has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet . . . We are not like other people, none of us has ever enrolled in the Zaptie (colonial forces), never! … and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means … The world is very close to its end, only 58 years remain. We don’t want to stay in this world. It is better to die while defending our laws.”
De Vecchi did not tolerate such display of defiance and ordered his commanders to prepare and launch a final showdown in order to capture Hassan alive.
10,800 xabashis.
