"With this, some scholars argue that the Omo-Tana hypothesis rests on shaky ground and should be treated with caution. In 1976, Ali Hersi argued that the Somalis were present in the Horn of Africa as early as the third millennium BCE. Although M. N. Ali initially built his thesis around the Omo-Tana hypothesis, he ultimately rejected the idea of a substratum in the Peninsula. He also acknowledged that oral tradition must be taken into account when reconstructing Somali history.
Professor Raphael Njoko has more recently questioned the validity of the Omo-Tana theory. He notes that the hypothesis cannot be accepted uncritically. Cave paintings in northern Somalia, dating back to 9000 BCE, together with studies of ancient pyramids, ruined cities, and stone walls, confirm that an advanced civilization flourished in the region since the late Paleolithic. Moreover, the existence of the ancient Kingdom of Punt within Somali borders reinforces this conclusion. These departures highlight the large gap between the Omo-Tana model of southern origins and the actual historical record of Somali society."
Shortcomings of the Omo-Tana Hypothesis
1. The least-move principle.
The “least-move principle” does not apply universally to human migrations. For example, the Semitic peoples are often said to have originated in northern Arabia, yet most Semitic languages developed in Iraq, the Levant, and southeastern Arabia. The same pattern appears in the Somali Peninsula. In the south, the inter-riverine region hosted not only historical southerners but also members of major northern clans such as Hawiye, Darood, Dir, and Isaaq. However, only communities like the Mirifle, Ayle, some Digil, and a few marginalized northern groups can claim the region as their true homeland. In the west, the Jigjiga–Harar area brought together many communities, including Darood, Dir, Isaaq, Shekhaal, and Hawiye. These groups lived there from the pre-Islamic period through the Middle Ages. Yet the Daarood, Dir, and Isaaq trace their ancestral burials to Sanaag between 600–1100 CE. Such patterns of distribution contradict the least-move principle. It is therefore unsuitable for locating the origins of Somali communities in either the Jigjiga–Harar or inter-riverine regions.
2. Linguistic confusion.
Linguistic studies do not provide clear evidence for whether Somali presence in the south predates that in the north. C. Ehret has suggested that a Lowland East Cushitic population gradually occupied the Horn, from the tip of Somalia to the Harar–Bali highlands, between 5000–2000 BP. Yet this overlaps with the proposed dispersal of East Cushitic groups from the Omo–Tana–Ganane area. The two views contradict one another. Moreover, the linguistic record reveals unresolved complexities. For instance, Macro-Somali experienced at least five stages of internal separation, whereas Oromo–Konso and Afar–Saho only split once. Population size and distribution likely explain this difference. Among Macro-Somali, three stages of phoneme loss occurred:
- First, the dentals đ and ṣ disappeared.
- Second, other sounds such as th, ẓ, z, ṭ, and ḋ were altered or removed, though traces survive in dialects today.
- Third, emphatics like ḥ, ‘a, and q were lost in the southern varieties but retained in northern Somali.
Additionally, five Somali dialect areas are particularly close to Rendille, with Bari providing especially strong evidence. Shared words, such as
Cal/‘Al (“lofty mountain”), preserved by Bari, Rendille, and Elmolo, suggest a northern rather than southern connection for Rendille.
3. Lack of migration evidence.
If the Omo-Tana model were correct, one would expect physical or cultural remnants of the supposed migrants in the south. Yet there are none. Historical migrations within Somalia usually left traces: the Jiida left relatives in Bali, the Dabarre in Ganane, and the Tunni in Lower Tana. Similarly, the Garre maintained kin west of Kenya–Ethiopia, and the Geledi preserved links to the Harar region. By contrast, the Omo-Tana hypothesis provides no evidence of such remnants, only claims of offshoots. It is therefore difficult to imagine that large clans such as Mirifle, Samaale, and Jabarti (Daarood) could have migrated northward without leaving any trace in the south.
4. Contradiction with historical records.
Greco-Roman sources and archaeological findings indicate the existence of an organized society along the Somali coast from at least 800 BCE to 200 CE. Towns recorded by Greco-Roman authors—Avalites, Mundu, Gaza, Pano, and Opone—correspond to present-day Awdal, Xiis, Gawa, Bina, and Hafun. The names themselves, and even terms like
mokhar (frankincense), are Somali in origin. Yet proponents of the Omo-Tana theory suggest that, between 600–1100 CE, northerners migrated from the Shabelle Valley to the Red Sea coast, displacing an earlier civilization. This claim is contradicted by archaeology, by Muslim historians of the 9th–15th centuries, and by Somali traditions. Evidence shows continuous northern Somali development, with major social, economic, and political achievements from the 8th to 14th centuries.
Somali tradition also preserves memory of the Tiirri, a powerful pre-Islamic community known as the “people of pillars.” The numerous cairns (Taallo-Tiirriyaat) in the north are attributed to them. The Tiirri later declined as northern Somali groups expanded.
5. Absence of motive for migration.
Finally, the Omo-Tana hypothesis does not explain why large Somali populations would abandon fertile southern lands for the harsher northern environment. Today, nearly two-thirds of Somalis speak the northern dialect, yet the theory suggests their ancestors left the Shabelle region without any economic or political reason. This failure to account for historical realities undermines the credibility of the hypothesis.
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