Guys I noticed about Eritrean Somali relations

[EritreanPost_]

Guys I noticed about Eritrean Somali relations

Most of the
Eritreans online who support greater Somalia or one Somalia are from the
Tigrinya community. Other Eritreans are not so interested in Somalia

 

[Zak12]

Aren't Kebessa the largest Eritrean group? Makes sense when you see it like that

 

[Keep it a boqol]

You guys are landheere ofc langaab afars wouldn’t support it

 

[EritreanPost_]

Eritrean tigrinya and Jebertis are very pro Somalia, ok the other hand the snm somalilanders are reaching out to Afars and Beni amer and try to divide Eritrean Muslims and Christians telling, that the Kebessa of Eritrea are bad men.

At the same time some of these somalilanders spread a lot of hatred against Eritrean Jeberti, Tigrinya, Somalia and Somali clans like Hawiy and Darood.

We Eritreans cannot allow us to be divided. And nether can we gave anti Somali proxies any cloud

 

[Bursalah]

They’re not even somalilanders tbh. It’s Habeshas running a psy ops just like their Zionist masters. They know their days are numbered.

 

[Jaffar]

Tell me as an Eritrean why are you involved in Somalia and Somaliland issue . at least u should be neutral as you know that Somaliland case is actually very similar to the Eritrean one. Eritrea had unionist party which were a party that supported union with Eritrea hence why the UN brought forward the Federation formula. Somaliland also all the parties more prominnent parties SNL and USP were unionist party and wanted to be part of a greater Somali republic.

 

[Zak12]

Tell me as an Eritrean why are you involved in Somalia and Somaliland issue . at least u should be neutral as you know that Somaliland case is actually very similar to the Eritrean one. Eritrea had unionist party which were a party that supported union with Eritrea hence why the UN brought forward the Federation formula. Somaliland also all the parties more prominnent parties SNL and USP were unionist party and wanted to be part of a greater Somali republic.

Most Eritreans didn't want to unite with Ethiopia or were at the very least skeptical to the idea. Eritrea was ultimately forcibly federated with Ethiopia and Haile Selassie later illegally annexed Eritrea which kickstarted their war for independence.

 

[Jaffar]

That is not the whole truth.

In the 1940s and 1950s, it is a matter of historical record that no less than two thirds, if not more, of Eritrea’s Tigrinya-speaking population lent their support to the Unionist Party, Mahber Fikri Hager. The majority of the Tigrinya-speaking highlanders firmly backed Emperor Haile Selassie, whom they regarded with deep respect and loyalty during those early decades. The widespread sense of regret and disillusionment would only emerge much later, particularly in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s.


The British, who administered Eritrea following the Second World War, quickly discerned the region’s inherent political difficulties. Their proposal was to partition Eritrea the highland Tigrinya speaking Kebessa would be joined to Ethiopia, while the lowland populations Beja, Tigre, and others would be absorbed into Eastern Sudan and the Kassala region of sudan. This was indeed the suggestion put forth by the British colonial authorities.


It is true, of course, that a handful of Christian Tigrinyas, such as Woldeab Woldemariam Eritrean nationalist, advocated for outright independence. Yet, as a middle ground between full secession and outright partition, the United Nations advanced its own formula federation with Ethiopia. This compromise was adopted in 1952, but by 1962 Haile Selassie had unilaterally annexed Eritrea, extinguishing its federal status. Still, in the earlier years, the highland Tigrinya held Haile Selassie in high regard, and this explains the considerable strength of the Unionist Party.


One must also recall prominent Eritreans such as General Aman Andom, who rose to the highest ranks of the Ethiopian military. As the commanding general, he even led forces during the Ethiopian Somali border war of 1964. Such figures testify to the degree of integration and identification with Ethiopia that existed among many Tigrinya Eritreans at the time.


It is therefore a distortion of history often propagated by certain revisionists, particularly from the highlands to suggest that the Tigrinya were at the vanguard of the independence movement. In truth, the majority of Tigrinya speaking Eritreans were, for the most part, ardent supporters of Ethiopian unity. This is further proof by the stance of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front Shacbia in 1991 though they possessed the power to dismember Ethiopia entirely, they chose instead to preserve it, for Ethiopia still carried profound meaning, especially to those of the highlands indeed. It is telling that in the 1940s and 1950s, it was customary in Kebessa households to name newborn daughters “Ethiopia” a striking symbol of loyalty and affection to the Ethiopian Empire and Abysinian Heritage.


By contrast, the lowland populations Tigre, Beja, and Saho had little attachment to Ethiopia. Their principal political vehicle, the Muslim League, favoured trusteeship under Britain led by ibrahim sultan, in stark contrast to the Unionists who sought complete and enduring unity with Ethiopia., it was then later the jebha let by Hamid idris awate that started the war with Ethiopia under the ELF during te first decade of the war for independence there were no Christians that took up arms it was only in the early 1970s when they started fighting back, the two later on fought EPLF VS ELF where the EPLF got help from the TPLF to destroy the Jebha movement and drive them into sudan till this day there are about a million or so tigre low land Muslims in eastern sudan who are now allowed to come back to Eritrea.


This is the truth about Eritrea.

 

[Zak12]

That is not the whole truth.

In the 1940s and 1950s, it is a matter of historical record that no less than two thirds, if not more, of Eritrea’s Tigrinya-speaking population lent their support to the Unionist Party, Mahber Fikri Hager. The majority of the Tigrinya-speaking highlanders firmly backed Emperor Haile Selassie, whom they regarded with deep respect and loyalty during those early decades. The widespread sense of regret and disillusionment would only emerge much later, particularly in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s.


The British, who administered Eritrea following the Second World War, quickly discerned the region’s inherent political difficulties. Their proposal was to partition Eritrea the highland Tigrinya speaking Kebessa would be joined to Ethiopia, while the lowland populations Beja, Tigre, and others would be absorbed into Eastern Sudan and the Kassala region of sudan. This was indeed the suggestion put forth by the British colonial authorities.


It is true, of course, that a handful of Christian Tigrinyas, such as Woldeab Woldemariam Eritrean nationalist, advocated for outright independence. Yet, as a middle ground between full secession and outright partition, the United Nations advanced its own formula federation with Ethiopia. This compromise was adopted in 1952, but by 1962 Haile Selassie had unilaterally annexed Eritrea, extinguishing its federal status. Still, in the earlier years, the highland Tigrinya held Haile Selassie in high regard, and this explains the considerable strength of the Unionist Party.


One must also recall prominent Eritreans such as General Aman Andom, who rose to the highest ranks of the Ethiopian military. As the commanding general, he even led forces during the Ethiopian Somali border war of 1964. Such figures testify to the degree of integration and identification with Ethiopia that existed among many Tigrinya Eritreans at the time.


It is therefore a distortion of history often propagated by certain revisionists, particularly from the highlands to suggest that the Tigrinya were at the vanguard of the independence movement. In truth, the majority of Tigrinya speaking Eritreans were, for the most part, ardent supporters of Ethiopian unity. This is further proof by the stance of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front Shacbia in 1991 though they possessed the power to dismember Ethiopia entirely, they chose instead to preserve it, for Ethiopia still carried profound meaning, especially to those of the highlands indeed. It is telling that in the 1940s and 1950s, it was customary in Kebessa households to name newborn daughters “Ethiopia” a striking symbol of loyalty and affection to the Ethiopian Empire and Abysinian Heritage.


By contrast, the lowland populations Tigre, Beja, and Saho had little attachment to Ethiopia. Their principal political vehicle, the Muslim League, favoured trusteeship under Britain led by ibrahim sultan, in stark contrast to the Unionists who sought complete and enduring unity with Ethiopia., it was then later the jebha let by Hamid idris awate that started the war with Ethiopia under the ELF during te first decade of the war for independence there were no Christians that took up arms it was only in the early 1970s when they started fighting back, the two later on fought EPLF VS ELF where the EPLF got help from the TPLF to destroy the Jebha movement and drive them into sudan till this day there are about a million or so tigre low land Muslims in eastern sudan who are now allowed to come back to Eritrea.


This is the truth about Eritrea.

You are missing the point. Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia. The unionists initially would have little problem with being with Ethiopia since they had some form of autonomy within the federation. Haile Selassie pretty much backstabbed them when he broke the treaty and of course, his lackluster rule throughout the 60s with the famines meant Eritreans saw the writing on the wall and wanted to seperate as early as 1961.

 

[Jaffar]

They bore a measure of responsibility themselves. Had they lent their support to the opposing side independence, the outcome might well have been different. Consider, for instance, the Eritrean Kebessa: they wholeheartedly aligned themselves with Haile Selassie and expressed a clear preference for union with Ethiopia rather than independence this is a fact . Their incorporation was not the result of coercion rather, they entered into federation with Ethiopia by their own volition. Moreover, the Eritrean highlanders were by no means at the vanguard of the independence struggle. True, a number of units fought under the banner of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), yet the overwhelming majority remained steadfast in their loyalty to Haile Selassie throughout the 1960s.

 

[Zak12]

They bore a measure of responsibility themselves. Had they lent their support to the opposing side independence, the outcome might well have been different. Consider, for instance, the Eritrean Kebessa: they wholeheartedly aligned themselves with Haile Selassie and expressed a clear preference for union with Ethiopia rather than independence this is a fact . Their incorporation was not the result of coercion rather, they entered into federation with Ethiopia by their own volition. Moreover, the Eritrean highlanders were by no means at the vanguard of the independence struggle. True, a number of units fought under the banner of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), yet the overwhelming majority remained steadfast in their loyalty to Haile Selassie throughout the 1960s.

Yes all this was happening in the 50s and early 60s, back when everyone was optimistic about Ethiopia until the famines and neglect occured.

But all that is a seperate history and doesn't have much bearing on why some Eritreans talk about Somalia. The simple fact of the matter is that a united stable Somalia is more beneficial to Eritrea than a broken one which directly empowers Ethiopia. Eritrea for years has been helping to train the SNA and even prior to the creation of FGS has supported the ICU but got sanctioned for their troubles.

 

[Jaffar]

That was a very dumb move of them to support daahir aweys and Alshabaab i hope they learned their lesson.

 

[Zak12]

That was a very dumb move of them to support daahir aweys and Alshabaab i hope they learned their lesson.

? They didn't support Al-Shabab, they supported the ICU. The later claims of them supporting Al-Shabab was made up by the west.

@EritreanPost_ previously made a thread or posts about that exposing how the international community lied about Eritrea supporting terrorists in Somalia.

 

[Jaffar]

Thats not true they supported Hassan daahir aweys and he spend most of the war against ethiopia in Asmara , hassan daahir aweys was the founder of hisbal islam which was a group that was aligned to alshabaab, Eritrea refused to engage with sharif ahmed goverment and hassan sheikh first term. presidency they clearly had links with Alshabaab during the war against ethiopia they backed all opposition against ethiopia and alshabaab was one of them.

 

[Zak12]

Thats not true they supported Hassan daahir aweys and he spend most of the war against ethiopia in Asmara , hassan daahir aweys was the founder of hisbal islam which was a group that was aligned to alshabaab, Eritrea refused to engage with sharif ahmed goverment and hassan sheikh first term. presidency they clearly had links with Alshabaab during the war against ethiopia they backed all opposition against ethiopia and alshabaab was one of them.

What years are you talking about? Because prior to 2007 Al-Shabab was a minor military wing of the ICU. During the 2006 war against Ethiopia, Eritrea supported the ICU which was made out of 13 sharia courts, of which Al-Shabab and Dahir Aweys was two of them.

 

[Jaffar]

How old are you

 

[Zak12]

How old are you

An adult, got anything to add?

 

[Jaffar]

How old were u in 2006 just want to know because you seem to not know that Alshabaab and muqaawamo and the Khalid bin waliid brigade were fighting in Somalia against Ethiopia and got support from Eritrea. Do you really believe that ICU just dissapeared they rebranded and became Alshabaab there is no much difference between ICU and Shabaab its like saying islamic jihad and Hamas are two different things Hassan daahir aweys was one of the leaders of ICU and was in asmara when sharif was selected he came back to Mogadishu and fought sharif ahmed. How then didnt Eritrea not support these jihadists lol

 

[Zak12]

Alshabaab and muqaawamo and the Khalid bin waliid brigade were fighting in Somalia against Ethiopia

I'm well aware of that, all the ICU courts were involved in the fighting.

Do you really believe that ICU just dissapeared they rebranded and became Alshabaab

The ICU splintered during the invasion and became three groups: those who stayed fought under Al-Shabab, those who went to Eritrea and formed a new group dedicated to liberating Somalia, and those joined the TFG (Sharif Ahmed). It was hardly a rebranding, more like Al-Shabab was the only ones left fighting.

i'll concede that Eritrea may have been supporting Al-Shabab during the counter insurgency but they pretty much stopped doing so after 2009 and especially when Godane came to power.

there is no much difference between ICU and Shabaab

Al-Shabab were hardliners in a group that mainly consisted of moderates. They were similar in the sense that both opposed Ethiopian occupation but that was really it.

With that said, Al-Shabab became a totally different organization after Ayro's death.

 

[Jaffar]

I do not dispute your point regarding the Islamic Courts Union during the Mogadishu war of 2006. The principal reason Eritrea chose to back al-Shabaab, the ICU, or whichever faction was then ascendant, was nothing more than a matter of political calculation on the part of Isaias Afwerki. His cousin, Meles Zenawi, had thrown his weight behind the Transitional Federal Government, and thus, by way of counterbalance, Afwerki felt compelled to support its opponents a move which ultimately proved ruinous. After all, who in their right mind wagers on jihadists at a time when Uncle Sam is waging his global war on terror?


When President Guelleh later brought Sheikh Sharif to Djibouti to establish a new government for Somalia, Afwerki again felt betrayed this time by Sharif and his allies. Whether or not Eritrea continued to support al-Shabaab after 2009 remains unproven Asmara denies it, yet the possibility cannot be entirely dismissed. One cannot exclude the reasoning that, given Eritrea’s refusal to recognise the governments of Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, it may well have offered support in order to undermine what it perceived as Ethiopia’s growing ascendancy in Somali affairs.


Nor do I agree with the oft repeated claim that the ICU were “moderates.” I am uncertain what the term is even meant to signify in this context. The ICU harboured figures such as Indha Cadde, who declared openly that his ambition was to liberate Ethiopia from “Christian rule” and to perform the Eid prayer in Addis Ababa in 2006 hardly the rhetoric of moderation. Both the ICU and al-Shabaab were jihadist in orientation, opposed to the warlords and hostile to AMISOM. In substance, where did they truly differ? I see little evidence that the ICU possessed a coherent national agenda confined to Somalia alone atleast.


Admittedly, I will concede that al-Shabaab represents a more extreme incarnation one might say a version of the ICU on steroids. Yet in terms of ideology, the distinction is not nearly as sharp as some would suggest. Both envisioned an Islamic Somali state governed by Sharia law; the divergence lay only in degree, not in essence indeed.