Why federalism is not appropriate for Somalia
OSMAN JAMA ALI
Former Acting Premier of Somalia
The idea of a Somali federal state came from Ethiopia. However, in Ethiopia, federalism is based on ethnicity (Amhara, Oromo, Somali, Tigre etc). It is not appropriate for Somalia which is the most homogeneous state in the whole of Africa (one ethnicity, one language, one religion). More importantly, most Somalis believe that Ethiopia is proposing federalism for Somalia as a way of dismembering Somalia into five weaker clan-based states (Somaliland, Puntland, Benadirland, Bayland and Jubbaland). Somalia needs democratic, decentralised administrative regions coordinated by a unified national authority.
Dialogue with the North
In 1960, the new Somali rulers came to power in an atmosphere of emotional patriotism. They were completely unprepared for the management of a state and couldn’t handle the just distribution of national resources, employment, promotion etc. The unification of the North and the South was sudden and unprepared. Under the UN mandate under Italy from 1950, the South had ten years to prepare for independence, but the North did not have the same preparation. At the end of the ten-year mandate, the British wanted to postpone the independence of the North, but the Northerners refused and demanded immediate and unconditional union with the South which the British were obliged to grant. The Northerners gained independence on 26 June 1960, and union took place five days later on 1st July, the day the South got its independence.
In the period leading to independence, both the Italians and the British, and a few Somali politicians in both Protectorates, advised against union. But the unity of the five parts of Somalia was enshrined in the constitution of all the political parties and everyone was in favour of the unification of the first two parts of Somali territory to gain independence from the colonial powers. At the same time, the Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, wanted to annex the Somalis and was trying to convince the Somalis and the international community that they were part of Ethiopia. He invited the Ministers of Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland to Addis Ababa and asked them to join his empire. This was an early source of the Somali mistrust of Ethiopian intentions.
After independence, there were great difficulties in reconciling the Italian and British systems of administration. In the period before written Somali was established, there was rivalry between the Italianeducated and British-educated elites. Differences in ranking in the armed forces and civil service caused problems, and Northern officers and civil servants felt they were not given their fair share of positions. However, those concerned were very few, and there was no friction between ordinary Somalis wherever they came from. Nevertheless, since that time Northerners have claimed they were under-represented in successive parliaments. In 1988 the Northerners suffered heavily under the military regime. The towns of Hargeisa and Burao were flattened in 40 days of bombing and 50,000 people were killed, with many more injured. Those who survived escaped to the Somali region of Ethiopia where they were protected and helped by the Ethiopian government and the international humanitarian organisations. At the time, the two military regimes of Somalia and Ethiopia were deeply hostile to each other and each supported and armed the other’s opposition movements.
Some Northerners wrongly believe it was the Southerners who were responsible for the actions of the regime against them. This is untrue because there wasn’t any geography-based allegiance among either the Northerners or the Southerners, and there was no hatred between them because of where they lived. The military regime in its last days was using clannism to play-off one clan against another. It should also be acknowledged that Southerners, for example Col. Abdullahi Yusuf and Gen. Aideed were also fighting the military regime in clan-based organisations, and it was they who finally overthrew it. The concepts of ‘Northern’ and ‘Southern’ did not exist at that time. When forming the transitional institutions, a special dialogue should be established with the Northerners to bring these feelings to light.
OSMAN JAMA ALI
Former Acting Premier of Somalia
The idea of a Somali federal state came from Ethiopia. However, in Ethiopia, federalism is based on ethnicity (Amhara, Oromo, Somali, Tigre etc). It is not appropriate for Somalia which is the most homogeneous state in the whole of Africa (one ethnicity, one language, one religion). More importantly, most Somalis believe that Ethiopia is proposing federalism for Somalia as a way of dismembering Somalia into five weaker clan-based states (Somaliland, Puntland, Benadirland, Bayland and Jubbaland). Somalia needs democratic, decentralised administrative regions coordinated by a unified national authority.
Dialogue with the North
In 1960, the new Somali rulers came to power in an atmosphere of emotional patriotism. They were completely unprepared for the management of a state and couldn’t handle the just distribution of national resources, employment, promotion etc. The unification of the North and the South was sudden and unprepared. Under the UN mandate under Italy from 1950, the South had ten years to prepare for independence, but the North did not have the same preparation. At the end of the ten-year mandate, the British wanted to postpone the independence of the North, but the Northerners refused and demanded immediate and unconditional union with the South which the British were obliged to grant. The Northerners gained independence on 26 June 1960, and union took place five days later on 1st July, the day the South got its independence.
In the period leading to independence, both the Italians and the British, and a few Somali politicians in both Protectorates, advised against union. But the unity of the five parts of Somalia was enshrined in the constitution of all the political parties and everyone was in favour of the unification of the first two parts of Somali territory to gain independence from the colonial powers. At the same time, the Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, wanted to annex the Somalis and was trying to convince the Somalis and the international community that they were part of Ethiopia. He invited the Ministers of Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland to Addis Ababa and asked them to join his empire. This was an early source of the Somali mistrust of Ethiopian intentions.
After independence, there were great difficulties in reconciling the Italian and British systems of administration. In the period before written Somali was established, there was rivalry between the Italianeducated and British-educated elites. Differences in ranking in the armed forces and civil service caused problems, and Northern officers and civil servants felt they were not given their fair share of positions. However, those concerned were very few, and there was no friction between ordinary Somalis wherever they came from. Nevertheless, since that time Northerners have claimed they were under-represented in successive parliaments. In 1988 the Northerners suffered heavily under the military regime. The towns of Hargeisa and Burao were flattened in 40 days of bombing and 50,000 people were killed, with many more injured. Those who survived escaped to the Somali region of Ethiopia where they were protected and helped by the Ethiopian government and the international humanitarian organisations. At the time, the two military regimes of Somalia and Ethiopia were deeply hostile to each other and each supported and armed the other’s opposition movements.
Some Northerners wrongly believe it was the Southerners who were responsible for the actions of the regime against them. This is untrue because there wasn’t any geography-based allegiance among either the Northerners or the Southerners, and there was no hatred between them because of where they lived. The military regime in its last days was using clannism to play-off one clan against another. It should also be acknowledged that Southerners, for example Col. Abdullahi Yusuf and Gen. Aideed were also fighting the military regime in clan-based organisations, and it was they who finally overthrew it. The concepts of ‘Northern’ and ‘Southern’ did not exist at that time. When forming the transitional institutions, a special dialogue should be established with the Northerners to bring these feelings to light.
