Read this article to get an understanding of US and by extension its proxies like the UAE strategy in Somalia and all other Muslim states they are involved in.
Despite their common interests, the US and Saudi Arabia do not share consensus on all things Yemen, and their respective visions diverge in some important ways. The most significant US priorities are:
Fighting terrorism: The US intensified its presence in Yemen under the pretext of combating terrorism after the 2000 al-Qaeda attack on the USS Cole guided missile destroyer off the coast of Aden. Washington signed security agreements with the Saleh government to open US intelligence stations in Sanaa and Aden, and to deploy military units in the Al-Anad and Daylami bases.
When Al-Qaeda increased its activities in Yemen after 2011, the US military role grew as well with at least 5,000 troops deployed to the country. Washington also allocated $250 million per year for the Yemeni Defense Ministry to combat armed groups. This lasted until 2014, when Ansarallah took control of Sanaa, pushing the US to rely on the UAE for its so-called anti-terrorism project.
US-Emirati coordination: Security and political coordination between Abu Dhabi and Washington in Yemen grew over the years after the Emiratis replaced the Saudis in several regions of the country. In the UAE, the US found a useful tool for several of its indirect plans. This on top of the UAE’s newfound alliance with Israel, as the two nations have been working in tandem in the strategic Yemeni islands of Socotra and Mayon.
International navigation protection: The US established the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) alongside 33 countries to secure water routes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden and to protect oil tankers passing through the Bab al-Mandab Strait coming from the Gulf countries. The US Navy’s Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, is also active along Yemeni territorial waters, and has repeatedly claimed to have confiscated weapons shipments from Iran headed to Ansarallah-controlled ports.
Dividing Yemen: The vision for Yemen truly starts to diverge between the US and Saudi Arabia when it comes to the country’s future political layout.
In contrast to Saudi Arabia – which envisions an outcome in which Yemen either remains as a strong centralized state loyal to Riyadh, or divided into six autonomous regions governed under the umbrella of a central state – Washington, like Abu Dhabi, supports a division of the country.
In the latter scenario, Ansarallah would be allowed to maintain the northern areas it currently controls, while the rest of Yemen would be divided into four independent regions (Aden, Hadramout, Marib, and the western coast). The US envisions this division as a strategy to marginalize Ansarallah and limit its clout to a specific geographical area, bordered by four warring mini-states, united in their hostility to Sanaa.
Despite their common interests, the US and Saudi Arabia do not share consensus on all things Yemen, and their respective visions diverge in some important ways. The most significant US priorities are:
Fighting terrorism: The US intensified its presence in Yemen under the pretext of combating terrorism after the 2000 al-Qaeda attack on the USS Cole guided missile destroyer off the coast of Aden. Washington signed security agreements with the Saleh government to open US intelligence stations in Sanaa and Aden, and to deploy military units in the Al-Anad and Daylami bases.
When Al-Qaeda increased its activities in Yemen after 2011, the US military role grew as well with at least 5,000 troops deployed to the country. Washington also allocated $250 million per year for the Yemeni Defense Ministry to combat armed groups. This lasted until 2014, when Ansarallah took control of Sanaa, pushing the US to rely on the UAE for its so-called anti-terrorism project.
US-Emirati coordination: Security and political coordination between Abu Dhabi and Washington in Yemen grew over the years after the Emiratis replaced the Saudis in several regions of the country. In the UAE, the US found a useful tool for several of its indirect plans. This on top of the UAE’s newfound alliance with Israel, as the two nations have been working in tandem in the strategic Yemeni islands of Socotra and Mayon.
International navigation protection: The US established the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) alongside 33 countries to secure water routes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden and to protect oil tankers passing through the Bab al-Mandab Strait coming from the Gulf countries. The US Navy’s Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, is also active along Yemeni territorial waters, and has repeatedly claimed to have confiscated weapons shipments from Iran headed to Ansarallah-controlled ports.
Dividing Yemen: The vision for Yemen truly starts to diverge between the US and Saudi Arabia when it comes to the country’s future political layout.
In contrast to Saudi Arabia – which envisions an outcome in which Yemen either remains as a strong centralized state loyal to Riyadh, or divided into six autonomous regions governed under the umbrella of a central state – Washington, like Abu Dhabi, supports a division of the country.
In the latter scenario, Ansarallah would be allowed to maintain the northern areas it currently controls, while the rest of Yemen would be divided into four independent regions (Aden, Hadramout, Marib, and the western coast). The US envisions this division as a strategy to marginalize Ansarallah and limit its clout to a specific geographical area, bordered by four warring mini-states, united in their hostility to Sanaa.
