rise and fall of the Islamic Oromo movement

Assalamu aleykum. I decided to write this story for information purposes & for anybody interested in the horn of Africa region. Its a story with an ending which would leave someone wondering whether to cry or laugh, either way I felt it needed to be told.

After many years of trial, error, and misguided policies, in 1404 A.H (1983 A.D) the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromiyaa (IFLO) was founded in the Mullata mountains of East Hararge province (Eastern Ethiopia) under the leadership of Sh. Abdulkarim Ibrahim Hamid "Jaarraa", with the stated goal of defeating the Ethiopian occupiers and ruling the land by the Sharia of Allah swt. This was a man who after encouragement from his Ustadh, started his journey in search of dignity and honour when he left home with a group of companions at a young age to participate in the battles that had been raging between the Muslims of Bale region in South Eastern Ethiopia under the leadership of Hussein Bunee, Ali Chirri, Waaqo Guutu and others against the Imam of Kufr in East Africa, Haile Selassie. The fighting continued for a decade, in particular between 1382-1389 A.H (1963-70 AD). During the fighting the population suffered heavily, specifically from the indiscriminant aerial bombardment. The army of Haile Selassie suffered heavy casualties on the ground and had difficulty moving in heavy weaponry due to the geography so it sought help from their brothers, which was received;

"400 British army engineers were sent in to build bridges and roads. One of the bridges that was of tremendous strategic importance was built over the Gannaale river. The American Air Force experts were brought in to improve the fire power of the Ethiopian Air Force jet fighters for more accurate air strikes. Several Israeli counter-insurgency and explosive experts were brought in to advise and guide the army. In spite of all these efforts, the guerrillas were able to repulse the enemy and continue to expand their area of activity."

The Muslims relied on a thin supply route from Somalia mainly for the purchase of small arms, and an escape route for the sick, wounded, and refugees (mainly women, children & elderly). The refugees ended up settling in the Somali border town of Luuq, but were later relocated to the town of Qoriyole, just south of the capital Mogadishu. Eventually the fighting was also brought to a halt by a number of factors which will not be addressed at the moment. This experience lit a spark in the youth, that would only intensify in the years to come.

Many groups organized and began carrying out operations, but none under the proper banner. In 1983 however, after many years of trial, error, and misguidance a group of ethnic Oromo Islamic scholars based in the Arabian peninsula, drawing on inspiration from the ongoing Jihad in Afghanistan and the blows being dealt to the Soviets in that land and seeing the oppression of the Ethiopians as an Islamic issue, helped form an Islamic Front which would end the occupation and revive Islam in a land where it had been weak and dominated since the fall of the Muslim regions in the latter part of the 19th century. The Amir of the group was Sh. Abdulkarim Ibrahim Hamid, who had prior military training in Syria and in Yemen with Palestinian geurillas, also in leading groups in combat. It should also be mentioned that he had spent 5 years in the harshest of maximum security prisons in Somalia known as Mandheera outside the port town of Berbera when caught by the regime of Siad Barre while trying to infiltrate into Ethiopia with an armed group of about 30 men, after crossing the Gulf of Aden. Upon his release he was escorted to the Presidential Palace to meet with the President of Somalia Siad Barre. Siad Barre offered to provide arms, training and whatever was needed to reorganize the group as long as they fought under the banner of liberating Western Somalia even though they were ethnic Oromos and not Somalis, which he rejected adding "If you think 5 years in your prison has broken me down, this is how your prison has affected me" he put a little scratch mark on his arm. It was this type of courage which gave him the leadership quality which was admired.
 
The Islamic Front was established in the Mullata mountains and began it's operations hitting the outposts of regime of Mengistu Hailemariam and growing in strength and numbers as time progressed. Among the enemies of the group were the military and security apparatus of the Derg Communist regime, which had ousted Haile Selassie in a military coup replacing it with communist rule. Other enemies included the Farmers Union Militia, which were local militias of murtaddeen armed by the regime which the regime used to fight on its behalf. Another enemy was the Christian-led Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) which claims to “fight for the rights” of the Muslim Oromo while despising their religion. While fighting these 3 groups the IFLO continued to grow, and expand it's area of operations gaining support outside of Hararge province, in Baale and as far as Jimma & Ilu Abba Bora province, on the border with Sudan.



From an interview with an Arabic newspaper around 1990;





Sh. Abdulkarim Ibrahim





ويقول الشيخ عبد الكريم إبراهيم رئيس الجبهة الإسلامية لتحرير أوروميا: "إنّ الأوضاع تتطوّر لصالحنا إن شاء الله، وذلك لعدّة أسباب أهمها: زيادة الوعي الجماهيري بأنّ الجهاد هو الطريق الوحيد لتحقيق الغاية المرجوّة، كما أنّ الحركة الجهادية المعاصرة وخاصة في فلسطين وأفغانستان زادتنا إيماناً ويقينا، بالإضافة إلى العوامل الداخلية المشجّعة من انتصارات يومية وانضمام الشعب إلى المجاهدين أفواجاً أفواجا، والقلق والخوف الشديد بين صفوف العدوّ – المدجج بأحدث الأسلحة المتطورة – من أفراد المجاهدين الذين لا يملكون سوى بعض الأسلحة الخفيفة والبدائية جدّاً، مما زاد المجاهدين قوة وإيمانا.



وهناك الأوضاع السياسية والعسكرية والاقتصادية التي تواجه عدوّنا، وتعتبر من العوامل المساعدة للمجاهدين، منها: وجود نشاط عدّة جبهات أخرى مثل أرتيريا وتيجراي، والمحاولات الانقلابية المتعدّدة، والإعدامات الجماعية ضدّ كبار الضباط في الجيش الأثيوبي، وتعيين أعضاء الحزب الحاكم المدنيّين في المناصب العسكرية برتبة الجنرالات، لتغطية أماكن شغرت بإعدام حوالي 200 من كبار الضباط! بالإضافة إلى سجن ما يزيد عن 700 فرد من ضباط القوات المسلّحة، وكذلك عدم الاستقرار في داخل الحزب الحاكم وخاصة بين أعضاء المكتب السياسي، مما أدى إلى عزل رئيس الوزراء ونائب الرئيس ووزير الخارجية وعدد من كبار الوزراء.



وأيضاً: الانقلاب الذي حدث في المعسكر الاشتراكي، وعجز روسيا وأتباعها عن تقديم الدعم المادي والمعنوي للدول التي تدور في فلكها، وعلى رأسها أثيوبيا، مما جعلها تتّجه لحليفها الجديد القديم فتعيد علاقتها رسمياً مع النظام الصهيوني.



ويوضّح رئيس الجبهة الشيخ عبد الكريم أسباب رفضهم لبرنامج الأمم المتحدة لإعادة اللاجئين الأوروميّين الذين هربوا من أثيوبيا إلى الدول المجاورة … الصومال والسودان وجيبوتي، والذين يزيد عددهم في الصومال وحده عن المليون نسمة فيقول: إننا لم نرفض عودة اللاجئين إلى ديارهم، شريطة أن تزول الأسباب التي دفعتهم إلى النزوح ومفارقة الوطن، عابرين بأقدامهم مئات الأميال وسط غارات جوية واصطياد القوات الحدودية لهم. لقد جاءت هذه الهجرة نتيجة ضغوط سياسية واضطهاد استعماري ووسائل وحشية؛ من قمع وقتل وسلب ونهب وحرق للقرى ومصادرة للأراضي الزراعية والممتلكات، ومنع أداء شعائر الدين، وتحريم تعاليم الدين، وحرق المصاحف، وتدمير المساجد، وزج العلماء والأعيان في السجون. ومن هنا نعارض برنامج إعادة اللاجئين إلى أثيوبيا لأنّ الأسباب التي أجبرتهم على النزوح لم تزل قائمة، ولن تزال ما دام النظام الأثيوبي الاستعماري قائماً، بل ويعتبر هذا البرنامج خَطراً على حياة المهاجرين ومؤامرة علينا، لأنّ لدينا تجارب كافية بهذا الموضوع، حيث حدثت موجات الرجوع في العام الماضي، وتحت دعاية تحسّن الأوضاع عاد بعض المهاجرين إلى أثيوبيا، ولما وصلوا إلى ديارهم قبضت عليهم السلطات الأثيوبية وأجبرت رجالهم على الذهاب إلى أرتيريا وتيجراي، وأرسلت النساء والأطفال إلى معسكرات العمل، كما قامت حكومة جيبوتي بالاتفاق مع أثيوبيا تحت مظلّة مكتب شئون اللاجئين التابع للأمم المتحدة بإعادة عدد كبير من المهاجرين. وحدث أثناء عمليات الإعادة: مذابح ومآسٍ رهيبة للاجئين، أهمها تلك التي وقعت عام 1987م، حيث سجنت عدداً في حاوية القطار المغلقة، المعدّة لنقل البضائع غير الصالحة لنقل الإنسان، مما سبّب وفاة أعدا كبير نتيجة الاختناق!



ويضيف: … إنّ أعداء الله وأعداء المسلمين وعملاء الاستعمار تكاتفوا وتعاونوا بشتى الوسائل: للقضاء على هؤلاء المهاجرين! والدليل على ذلك حركة المعارضة الصومالية التي تهاجم مخيمات اللاجئين العزّل، والأمم المتحدة تعلن قطع المساعدات عنهم من جهة، وتعلن إعادة اللاجئين الطوعية من جهة أخرى، ولا تضمن أمن العائدين!! إنه لشيء غريب أن يكون العالم الإسلامي بعيداً عن هذه المسرحية وغائب عنها!!



Translation:





"The situation is developing for us, God willing, for several reasons including: increasing public awareness that the jihad is the only way to achieve the desired goal, and the jihadi movement today and particularly in Palestine and Afghanistan in a state of strong faith and certainty. In addition to internal factors encouraging victories every day and people to join the mujahideen in crowds, and crowds, causing anxiety and extreme fear among the enemy - armed with the latest sophisticated weapons - while the mujahideen who have only some outdated light weapons, yet the mujahideen are increasing in strength and faith.



There are political, military and economic challenges facing our enemy, and one of the catalysts of the mujahideen, including: the existence of the activity of several other fronts, such as in Eritrea and Tigray, and coup attempts, multiple mass executions against senior officers in the Ethiopian army and the appointment of members of the ruling party of civilians in positions of military rank of generals, to cover the vacant places of the execution of some 200 senior officers! In addition to the imprisonment of more than 700 individual officers of the armed forces, as well as instability within the ruling party, especially among members of the Politburo, which led to the removal of Prime Minister and Vice-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs and a number of senior ministers.
 
Also, the coup that took place in the socialist camp, and the inability of Russia and its followers to provide material and moral support to States in its orbit, particularly Ethiopia, which tends to make its new ally, the old and pass a formal relationship with the Zionist regime.



Regarding their rejection of the United Nations repatriating Oromo refugees from Somalia, Sudan, Djibouti and abroad he stated;



"We did not reject the return of refugees to their homes, provided that the causes that what prompted them to flee the country with their feet hundreds of miles, crossing through in between air raids and border forces blocking their way. It was this migration as a result of political pressure and persecution, colonial methods and brutality; repression, killing and looting and burning of villages, confiscation of agricultural land and property, and prevent the performance of religious rituals, and the prohibition of the teachings of religion, and burning the Koran, the destruction of mosques, putting the knowledgable and dignitaries in prison. Hence, we oppose the repatriation of refugees to Ethiopia because the reasons which forced them to flee still exist, and will remain so long as the Ethiopian colonialists remain, but this program is a threat to the lives of migrants, because we have sufficient experience in this subject, and there were waves last year, under the propaganda of improved conditions who returned to Ethiopia, and when they arrived home were arrested by the Ethiopian authorities and forced men to go to Eritrea and Tigray, and sent women and children to labor camps, and the Government of Djibouti agreement with Ethiopia under the umbrella of the Office of Refugee Affairs of the United Nations to deport a large number of immigrants. It was during these returns: massacres and terrible tragedies took place, mainly those that occurred in 1987, where the number imprisoned in a container train, sealed for the transfer of goods not suitable for the transfer of human beings, which was the cause of death of many passengers as a result of suffocation!



The enemies of God and the enemies of Muslims and the agents of colonialism join together and help one another in various ways: to eliminate those immigrants! The proof of this alliance is; the Somali refugee camps, attacking defenseless, and the United Nations announces it will cut off aid to them on the one hand, and announces voluntary repatriation of refugees on the other hand, without even guaranteeing the security of returnees! It is a strange thing that the Muslim world pay no attention to this.



By this time the IFLO controlled an estimated 24 000 sq km where they continued training and administering the affairs of the people from Bisidimo, Aw Waday, and south towards to Burqa Tirtira, Burqa Sawa and the districts along the Rammis River and further east towards the district of Jijiga. The regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam weakened and with the fall of the Soviet Union (after the defeat in Afghanistan), the Ethiopian government too collapsed. With the instructions of the United States after holding a conference in London in the Spring of 1991, the Christian led EPLF (Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front) and TPLF (Tigray Peoples Liberation Front) rebels who had been waging a war against the regime in northern Ethiopia entered the capital without a fight. After the fall of the Communist regime, fighting resumed between the Islamic Front and the OLF secularists in many districts and continued to intensify towards the rainy season. While this occurred the TPLF/EPLF coalition backed by the United States and its representative Herman Cohen began a campaign to consolidate power for the TPLF. This began the next phase which will be addressed in Part 2 (Insha Allah).



The discussion in the IFLO camp became whether or not to recognize the Transitional Charter and join the Transitional Parliament in Addis Ababa. They were offered a number of seats but what was more important to them was access to the masses, and the chance to move and deploy its political & armed wings freely anywhere in the country using it as an opportunity to mobilize the population. They held Shura, and the decision was made in favour of joining.



The group began holding rallies across the country, such as one in Jimma, and Goreh, bringing in tens of thousands of supporters, distributing cassettes nation wide and abroad.





Part 2:

With the Fall of the regime in Addis Ababa, there was no longer a central authority which could claim authority over the country. The London Conference, which was attended by the ruling Communist Party (Derg), the EPLF, TPLF, and OLF was called before the fall of the regime, and was arranged by the United States mainly to address its interests in the region which were mainly two points; Firstly, because America is the secretary of Israel wherever she goes, the beginning of the conference was entirely dedicated to the plight of the Ethiopian Jews and allowing them safe passage to Palestine to increase the Jewish population there. The next issue was to keep Ethiopia itself from breaking apart. The EPLF insisted on its own state. The OLF also insisted on its own state. During the conference, the President Mengistu Haile Mariam abandoned the capital and left the Vice President in charge. The US gave its verdict, the Derg would relinquish power, the TPLF would take the capital, and with the OLF would draw up a Transitional Charter for the purpose of leading the country to an election.



Speaking in front of a packed stadium in the town of Jimma, former capital of the Jimma sultanate (annexed by Ethiopia in 1305 A.H/1884) IFLO field commander Falmataa vowed that they would plant the banner of Laa Ilaaha Ill' Allah in the heartland of Oromiyaa before the audience errupted in Takbir. Horsemen entered the stadium to simulate the conquest of Imam Ahmed Ibrahim al Ghazi 450 years earlier. Similar rallies were held in all corners of the country. In 3-4 months time, hundreds would flock to training camps and began deploying in new territory, including the major Muslim cities of Dirre Dhawa and Harar. Their enemies began to fear their growth, and so the inevitable took place. Leaders of the Mujahideen were targeted.







On December 12, 1991 one of its members, AbdulRazaq Muhammad, was killed and two others wounded, in Dire Dawa city.



Dr. Faisal Birru, Deputy Chief of the IFLO military wing, was detained in Asfaw Kasa Hotel and was found killed a few days later.



Its Deputy Chairman, Sheikh Abdurahman Yusuf and the Head of the Political Office, Izz ad-din Muhammad Ahmed, were killed and five other members were wounded in a shootout when their vehicle was ambushed by EPRDF militia in Dire Dawa on January 18, 1992.



(EHRCO 1992) The Islamic Front pulled out of the Transitional Charter and launched an assault on the TPLF in the urban centers and the major highway in the east of the country and began claiming responsibility for daily ambushes, raids, kidnappings and assassinations of EPRDF members. A year later, then deputy and head of the military wing, speaking to a group of fighters in Gobelle district Commander Falmataa recalled the killing of the leaders;



"They hoped that by targeting our leaders that we would disperse in despair. That was their dream. But alhamdulillah, their shahada and their fulfillment of their pledge only increased us in Iman. So naturally what came next was war. We depended on our lord. Not on tanks or heavy artillery, but the Almighty Superpower. The Lord of Russia and America. And as you know they could not stand in front of us in battle...Brothers if we depend on Allah with sincerity, just as we humiliated the enemy in battle we will establish an Islamic Republic of Oromiyaa under the banner of Laa Ilaha Ill'Allah, and govern her by Quran and Hadeeth"



Commander Falmataa never saw an Islamic Republic but instead Allah gave him better than that, when in the Summer of 1420 A.H/1999 Allah took his soul in the battlefield. And although he punished the enemy for many years and sent many of them to the hereafter which they hated most, they did not get the satisfaction of taking his life with their hands. Taqabbalahu fee shuhadaa.
 
Part 3:

The '92 offensive:

"So naturally what came next was war. We depended on our lord, not on tanks or heavy artillery, but the almighty superpower. The lord of Russia and America. And as you know they could not stand in front of us in battle" - Commander Falmata (Summer 1993)



The battles which Commander Falmata was referring to were those waged between the IFLO and the TPLF and its puppet coalition known as Ihadig (EPRDF). This was specifically the offensive in 1992. After the IFLO's retaliation strikes (for the assassinations mentioned in Part 2) began paralyzing TPLF movements in the region, the TPLF moved to take the strongholds of the IFLO. When they sent their forces south of the major highway, to secure it in order to move further east, a battle errupted and the outcome was decisive. Tanks and heavy equipment were of no use in the mountainous terrain, where they ended up either burnt or captured. The infantry was surrounded and hunted down. In a video release dated May 7, 1992 the remains of the TPLF armoured column in the district of Fadis were displayed by an IFLO unit. In the same release it was shown that further north, the al-Imam Ahmed unit led by Falmata took 3 TPLF officers captive along with their 4x4 and executed them at Haromaya, on the main highway between Harar and Dirre Dhawa.




A couple months before the offensive Sh. Abdulkarim Ibrahim gave a talk at an IFLO graduation ceremony at Bisidimo camp, the following is the english transcript:






"Bismillah alRahman alRaheem, Wassalaatu wassalaam alaa nabiyyina Muhammad wa alaa aalihi wa sahbihi ajmaeen



I would like to welcome and thank everybody for joining us on this occasion, and also the workers at Harar Radio for respecting our invitation."





"..People, this change that you see here today, did not come easily. It came by blood, it came from the dusty bones, from the people who gave their precious lives. It was born out of the bitterness. It came from overcoming numerous obstacles. This harvest that has been attained...attained by way of the blood and dusty bones...If you allow it to slip out of your hands you will forever regret it! (crowd makes takbeer 3 times)



For that reason, these graduates you see before you today, over a hundred graduates, trained in the politics, the history, and their mission. We have arranged this ceremony, so that you way share this occasion with us. (crowd makes takbeer 3 times)



On these men, there is a great responsibility. Before any of you, they must accept this responsibility. They must make the pledge that they will fulfill the duties for cause which they have stood for. Because we have been a dead people... a dead people must wake up! For that reason, I must ask the graduates to stand up and take this pledge right now.. to fulfill their responsibilities and to never turn on their heels, regardless of the obstacles ahead of them. That you will not retreat one inch! Stand up and pledge! (The graduates stand up)



In the name of Allah, the most high



This deen..Islam, we will raise it starting from ourselves (Graduates repeat)



This land..we will establish an Islamic state on it (Graduates repeat)



Before our people we make this pledge (Graduates repeat)



We will not retreat (Graduates repeat)



This is our pledge, may Allah swt make it easy for us (ameen, Graduates make takbeer 3 times then take a seat)" Part 4 will discuss the life and shahada of IFLO co-founder Sh. Adam Tukale




Part 4:



The former IFLO deputy: Sh. Adam Tukaale Adam Ali (better known as "Mullis")



Sh. Adam was born and raised in East Hararge in the district of Jarso, named so after his clan. This was at a time when the Muslim masses were asleep under the regime of Haile Selassie. As a young man he began looking for a way to remove himself from that state of humiliation, but could find no source of relief. There was no movement in his area, and the fighting in the neighbouring province of Bale had come to a halt. In the far north however, in what was then the province of Eritrea, Muslims led by Hamid Idris Awate had taken up arms and were waging a geurilla war against Addis Ababa for several years by that time. So with some companions he made his preparations and began his journey to a land he did not know much about. He passed through the vast provinces of Hararghe, Shawa, Wallo, and Tigrai, finally arriving in Eritrea. The fact that he did not speak a word of Amharic or Tigre, the languages spoken in the north, did not hold him back. In Eritrea he made contact with the Eritrean Muslim fighters and stayed with them until news had reached him that fighting had broken out close to home, in West Hararge. A group led by Hassan Ibrahim "Elemo", which had trained with Sh. Abdulkarim Ibrahim in the Palestinian camps had infiltrated the country by boat, and began clashing with the Ethiopian army in West Hararge. When Sh. Adam was informed of this he haste-fully returned to his home province to join the battle.



At this time the unit of Hassan Ibrahim (Elemo) was being followed closely by the regime in Addis Ababa. Army reinforcements were sent in to help track their movements. One of the members of the unit, explained the situation which led to 'The Battle of Tirro' in a Radio interview decades later;




"This was late 1974, it was the harvesting season so it was easy to hide out in the crops...We arrived at a place called Tirro, between the towns of Galamso, Bokhe and Badhesa. Three men had recently joined us and they were not accustomed to moving long distances on foot. These men were Sheikh Jamal, Ahmed Taqi, who had just arrived from the city, and Colonel Mahdi. He was a Colonel in Somalia (who abandoned his post to join the group), but he was from the Qallu (clan) of Dadar (district, East Hararge). They were exhausted and could not climb the mountain so we left them at a place we trusted to be safe at the bottom of the mountain to spend the night. At dawn we went down to wake them up. We discovered that the government militia had followed us and arrived from the 3 neighbouring towns and had the area surrounded... So we engaged them and a battle took place. From what we heard 83 enemy soldiers were killed, this number included locals who cooperated with them, and the wounded brought their casualties to over 100. From our side, the 3 men I had mentioned were killed (by the militia) before we could reach them. Until noon we repelled the police and militia. They called for Army reinforcements which arrived at noon bringing with them heavy weaponry. They began shelling the mountain and its surroundings. Hassan had been wounded in the abdomen in the morning clashes, so he wrapped it up with his clothing and continued fighting from the ground in the crop field, while sitting. Eventually the army surrounded & ordered him to surrender, so he told them to come and pick him up (since he could not move). Understanding that he had surrendered, a group of 5 soldiers went to where he was sitting. Hassan had a grenade with him, and when they reached him he exploded it, taking all 5 of them with him. Another was a boy named Sulayman who was shooting down at the enemy from the mountain. He ran out of bullets, but saved one for himself to avoid capture. Another of our men, Ahmed Kahin, he was Sheikhash (a Somali tribe) from Daro Labu district. He fought until his arm was shattered and he was captured. At sunset the remainder of us broke the encirclement and escaped."

When Sh. Adam arrived at Bokhe, after the long journey back, he was too late. The battle was over and the Ethiopian army was celebrating in the town center. It was impossible to make contact with what remained of the unit. Once again, he would have to be patient. Rather than feeling relieved, he was sad that he could not be with them at the time.
 
When Sh. Abdulkarim was released from prison in Somalia, he made contact and they became close companions. It is said that the IFLO was established with 2 guns, and those were the guns of Sh. Abdulkarim, and the second was that of Sh. Adam. Those who knew him all testified that he was a man who believed in deeds, rather than words and his deeds were what occupied his time throughout his entire adult life. The nickname he was given, "Mullis" (meaning "to show"), said it in one word. He was a man of action. The early days of the IFLO were difficult for many reasons, and not just because they were few in number, but also because there were many enemies. The security apparatus was always on high alert; and following the Ethio-Somali border war, the east and southeastern regions were highly militarized. In addition to that, the local Farmers Union militia (backed by the communist regime in Addis Ababa) was on alert, and secularist rebels of the OLF established in the mountains were fervently opposed to Islam entering the political scene. But in a relatively short amount of time the IFLO grew in strength and carved out their territory. Apart from leading in combat, Sh. Adam undertook other assignments. He served as a liaison between the mujahideen and supporters on the outside, traveling back and forth between the frontline and offices in Somalia and the Arabian peninsula. He would attend talks and encourage political refugees to return to their land and fight to restore their honour. At one of these talks, in Riyadh, a person asked the IFLO representatives 'how do you claim you are fighting to liberate us, yet you do not allow christian Oromos in your group'. While one mujahid was answering the question, the questioner later recalled that all he could remember was 'Mullis running his hand over his beard while scowling' at him. The man loved Islam, and dissociated from kufr, whether it came in the form of a blond haired european, or his brown skinned "countrymen".



He also worked in gathering intelligence on enemy positions. Before his jihad he was a shephard, and he was known to keep sheep with him; so he never raised suspicion while traveling and surveying enemy positions. He was also responsible for making his clan stronghold into an IFLO stronghold in the districts surrounding Jijiga. He remained as a father figure among the mujahideen through their triumphs and in their tough times also. In the latter years when internal disputes surfaced in the IFLO he attempted to diffuse the situation. However, the situation escalated to a point where he could not control it and over the years he had accumulated diabetes and became unable to travel. So he left the frontline and stayed with family in Moqdisho who took care of him. He refused to remain inactive however, and continued organizing Oromo refugees to fight the regime in Addis Ababa setting up a training camp at Qoriole. A front opened up in Somalia when the Ethiopian army invaded the Somali town of Baydhabo, so he assisted in sending these trainees to fight alongside the Somali militia. Eventually Hussein Aideed, the warlord in control of much of South Somalia entered into peace talks with the Ethiopians. In these talks it was agreed that the camp at Qoriole would be closed down, which is what happened.



However, the enemy understood that Sh. Adam would not stop as long as he was breathing. In July 2000, while walking in the Black Sea neighbourhood in Moqdisho, gunmen opened fire on him from a car, killing him and wounding a relative. Sh. Adam Tukaale Adam Ali was 55 years of age. Taqabbalahu fee shuhada.
 
Part 5:



A more Comprehensive Look at the Political Scene during the TGE





The social and political environment leading up to and following the overthrow of the communist regime in 1991 is also important to understand. The Communist regime which held power for 17 years until it was toppled in 1991 was not opposed so much for its communist ideology, but rather because it was seen to favour a particular ethnic and cultural group, the Amhara. Also the major groups which participated in overthrowing the regime were mostly leftist nationalists, with exception of the IFLO. Groups such as the OLF, TPLF, and EPLF fell under the leftist nationalist camp. The IFLO with it's political program of establishing an Islamic state in it's home region of Oromia was naturally looked at as the odd ball, and was largely excluded from the much of the negotiations going on in the Ethiopian capital, mediated mainly by the United States. The EPLF which had gained control of the northern province of Eritrea had already began functioning as an independent state. It also took on a mediating role between the OLF and TPLF, the two parties which were left to compete for power in Addis Ababa.



The transitional charter agreement which founded the TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) in July 1991, in theory was formed for the purpose of leading the country to elections. Although the OLF was expected to gain the most seats, the elections had little chance of taking place to begin with. There was no incentive for the TPLF to give up all of the territory it had acquired (including the capital Addis Ababa) and the support it had with foreign diplomats, namely the US, in favour of something so insignificant as sheets of paper in a ballot box.



The then deputy-Secretary General of the OLF explains the relationship between his party and the TPLF in his book "The Ethiopian State at the Crossroads":







Extending the more co-operative spirit that prevailed in the Council of Representatives also to the Council of Ministers and other organs of the government was discussed between top OLF and TPLF officials on a number of occasions. Worried about the fast-deteriorating relations between these two key participants in the TGE, officials of the Provisional Government of Eritrea took the necessary steps to convene a meeting between them at which this issue was addressed. The then Secretary of the Provisional Government of Eritrea, and later President, suggested the formation of a joint high council to improve cooperation between the OLF and TPLF in the Council of Ministers. Although the suggestion was approved by the top officials of the OLF and TPLF, the disillusionment of OLF-appointed ministers had reached such a stage that they considered the idea as inadequate to curb the gradual slide toward a single-party TPLF government.



In the meantime, the ferocity of particularly OLF and TPLF confrontation in the rural areas was steadily increasing. Violence between the forces of the two groups in fact started while the July 1991 Conference was still in session and continued almost uninterrupted up to the total breakdown of relations in June 1992. Beginning with the first incident that took place during the Conference, the OLF proposed one approach after another in order to contain and end the recurrence of violence between the forces of the two organizations. Each measure that was taken to do so, however, almost invariably produced the direct opposite result of the suspicion and animosity. The history of this effort, more than anything else, testifies to OLF willingness to give the benefit of the doubt to TPLF pronouncements about implementing democratic change.



The first OLF suggestion to deal with the violence that erupted during the July 1991 Conference was to facilitate liaisoning between the officials of the two organizations stationed in the concerned administrative regions. The OLF recommended that a liaison committee embracing the top officials of the two parties be created in each region. The terms of reference for such committees that it drafted were presented to a meeting of top OLF, TPLF, and EPLF officials a couple of days after the July 1991 Conference was concluded and was approved. The main idea was providing a forum at which the representatives of the two forces would sort out differences through dialogue instead of resorting to violent means.





When intervention by the elders and the formation of liaison committees proved unable to check the rising number of incidents of conflict, a different approach was attempted to curb the gradual slide towards total breakdown of relations. Conducting a joint seminar that brought together the top provincial representatives of the OLF and TPLF was just such a final effort to save the relationship. At this seminar, the idea of maintaining a certain element of cooperation while engaging each other in a fair and peaceful political competition was extensively discussed. How such a practice can be promoted was explored with representatives of both fronts contributing their views. One clear message was the need to learn how to respond to verbal attacks in kind instead of resorting to violent means. Unforunately, by the time the seminar was conducted, relations between the top commanders of the two organizations had soured to such an extent that reviving any degree of mutual confidence proved unachievable. Violence continued unabated after the seminar was concluded. Any subsequent contact between the forces of the two fronts inevitably degenerated into armed violence with uncontrollable speed and rising frequency. Over time, a situation was created in which the OLF could not do political work in areas administered by the TPLF and vice versa. Since the TPLF-administered areas of Oromia were by far larger than those of the OLF, the former was not as dissatisfied with the emerging situation as the latter was. As the time of the district and regional elections drew near, the number of violent incidents continued to rise. The threat posed to the elections by this situation necessitated taking new and drastic measures to create conditions more conducive to running elections.



Removing the former guerrilla commanders of both fronts from public administration duties and replacing them with a relatively more neutral group of administrators was resorted to as a last desperate measure. This was to be accompanied by the garrisoning of the troops of both fronts in order to remove the use of armed means from the political contest that was expected to precede the elections. Only a small percentage of TPLF troops was allowed a limited amount of movement to protect certain key installations and rail and road transport networks. The IFLO entered the transitional charter agreement mainly for the purpose of introducing themselves to the public in areas outside of their of control. In the regions under the IFLO, those who visited the areas say there was an Islamic environment which was rare, or atleast not seen since the time of Garad Umar Tahir of the Mullata mountains in the late 19th century. Public prayers and lectures were held regularly, mostly regarding religion and politics. Music was replaced by Quran, while dance was replaced by learning and training. During this time the economic situation also improved in the absence of taxes on imported and exported goods. The IFLO also played a role in stabilizing areas outside of it's direct control.
 
"In November and December 1991 there were reports of the destruction of Mosques and Churches in clashes between Muslim Oromos and Christian Amharas near Dire Dawa in the east of central Ethiopia. Up to 60 people were killed in violence that took on a religious colouring, although it had originally been triggered by other issues. In an attempt to calm the situation, in October 1991 members of the local hierarchy of the Christian church met representatives of the IFLO in the town of Harar. The IFLO secretary-general, Shaikh Jara Aba Gada stressed the importance of co-existance [and called for an end to the clashes]..." - Islam and Islamic groups: a worldwide reference guide by Farzana Shaikh (1992)

This followed with the IFLO deploying its forces there to restore security.



As for the TPLF, in attempt to gain support in the areas it occupied, the group supervised the formation of an Oromo group of its own, modeled on a platform similar to that of the OLF, called the OPDO (Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization). In other words they had no allies in the region, therefore they made a clone organization and called it an ally. They did the same in the Amhara region. This alliance of the TPLF and these clones became known as the EPRDF. The EPRDF was established before the fall of the government and began recruiting members from among the army of the collapsed regime. Later on in it's conflict with the OLF and IFLO, it had failed to make significant territorial gains so it began to exploit the conflict between the two organizations.



In one incident in the city of Harar, Ibsa Lubeh, a veteran IFLO commander was gunned down near his office. The attackers scattered papers around his body bearing the official stamp of the OLF (a way of claiming responsibility), but they were captured before they could escape. The Commander Ibsa had been an OLF member before defecting to the IFLO, so at first it would have seemed to be an act of revenge. However after being questioned, it was understood that the attackers were EPRDF members attempting to provoke a conflict. Ibsa's body was laid to rest and the attackers were executed. This began a period of a sort of cooperation in repelling the EPRDF. Such efforts were also encouraged by the public in general;







In September 1991, the infighting between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromiya (IFLO) was strong in the Diredawa/Harar area (Zitelmann 1993:48). A delegation of distinguished Oromo manguddo (elders) paid a visit to the IFLO's chairman Jaara Abbaa Gadaa to mediate between the warring factions. The event was covered on video cassette and subsequently distributed to the Oromo diaspora communities.

As mentioned previously, the IFLO announced its rejection of the Transitional Charter and the TGE project, and resumed it's armed campaign to establish an Islamic state in January 1992.



The OLF leadership was more interested in the Addis Ababa political scene in the government ministries, staying at hotels, meeting with international diplomats, holding rallies and televised speeches. They enjoyed the popular support and generally felt as though they had nothing to gain from returning to the hardships of an armed conflict. To the extent that it agreed to garrison it's troops in the weeks leading up to the election, in a deal brokered by US representative deputy secretary to African affairs Herman Cohen, as stated by the OLF ex-deputy Sec. General. Although Herman Cohen guaranteed that no strategic advantage would result in the deal, the TPLF moved against the OLF garrisons which were caught by surprise and dealt the organization a blow it would never fully recover from. In his book the former OLF Sec. General and chief negotiator claimed this move to eliminate them was done with 'tacit US approval'. Needless to say on June 23, 1992 the OLF also pulled out of the TGE, its leadership was purged and the group resumed its armed campaign.
 

convincation

Soomaali waa Hawiyah Iyo Hashiyah
VIP
This seems interesting but I don’t have the reading age for it. I’ll come back to this thread when I improve my attention span :kanyehmm:
 

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