Chaseyourdreamzz
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What do you guys think should our minority brothers and sisters get a chance to lead the nation
Minorities should’ve lead Somalia ( Reddit topic)
- Thread starter Chaseyourdreamzz
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What do you guys think should our minority brothers and sisters get a chance to lead the nation
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Chaseyourdreamzz
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The Man was acting like nomadic Somalis are incapable of rule
The Man was acting like nomadic Somalis are incapable of rule
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I agree and disagree at the same time. I'm don't really support the idea that someone should lead the country based on their tribe, because tribe doesn't make someone a good leader. Thats a personal thing you will probably have good and bad leaders from every tribe.
But one thing I do kind of agree with is that minority tribes especially in Somalia don't have this tribal dominance mentality. Like x tribe Vs x tribe. They are kinda more likely to just want to build the country instead of doing some clan rivalry
But one thing I do kind of agree with is that minority tribes especially in Somalia don't have this tribal dominance mentality. Like x tribe Vs x tribe. They are kinda more likely to just want to build the country instead of doing some clan rivalry
Posters on somali reddit tend to have an overly simplistic understanding of what's wrong with somalia.
They definitely mean well but you see some pretty ordinary posts there.
Also I'm not get let bro slide on the comment about minority tribes contributing more to the culture, art and language. I guess we none of us were poets?
This is a pretty bad take imho.
They definitely mean well but you see some pretty ordinary posts there.
Also I'm not get let bro slide on the comment about minority tribes contributing more to the culture, art and language. I guess we none of us were poets?
This is a pretty bad take imho.
I'd rather have 1 qabil being dictator for life than give it to a 0.5er
0.5s no matter their clan have a deep rooted cuqdad and they will most likely act out on it should they see presidency
0.5s no matter their clan have a deep rooted cuqdad and they will most likely act out on it should they see presidency
Says who? ”the desire to dominate, exploit, harm others doesn’t exist in group x” according to who?
they don’t (and have not historically had) the population or money to seize power in Somalia to act out their political agendas.. maybe they’d be more benevolent, maybe not. But we don’t know.
You know 0.5ers include full ethnic somalis like the madhibaan
I have connections and familial bonds with all the major and minor clans irl, I think, no I’m certain I should be leading Somalia. I know how to balance everyone’s interests and look out for them.
I meant those in particular
You think a Madhibaan presidents won't make Madhibaan the top dogs of Somalia
Let the say wlhi’s fantasise and engage in some historical self flagellation, it’s their time to shine
Garbage take. He is basically advocating for a reverse 4.5 where instead of Hawiye/Darood being at the top, its minorities. This doesn't solve anything as the system is inherently corrupt and ripe for abuse regardless of what clan or ethnicity is occupying those seats. At best you will get another Syria situation.
Idilinaa
VIP
There’s a lot of historical inaccuracy and romanticized division in his statement, so let’s unpack it carefully.
First, there’s no such thing as a “nomadic clan.” What you’re referring to is pastoralism one of several traditional Somali livelihoods. Major clan families like Darood, Hawiye, Dir, and Raxanweyn have historically engaged in a diverse range of economic activities, including trade, crafts, agriculture, and fishing. Some subclans were mobile pastoralists, while many were fully sedentary, depending on geography and historical context.
As for the Reer Xamar (or Benadiri), that’s a modern umbrella term referring to a confederation of lineages, many of which descend from established subclans within Hawiye, Darood (especially Ogaden), Dir, and Raxanweyn, not an isolated minority group.
The southern port towns they inhabited didn’t operate in some unique cultural vacuum. Mogadishu operated in ways similar to inland urban towns like Luuq or even Harar, engaging in weaving, goldsmithing, other metal works and structured commerce.
Luuq, for example, had its own weaving industry, gold, and silver industries and a well-regulated trade economy that used both local and foreign currency. It was a walled town ruled by a Sultan with an administration.
Newspaper of the first European visitors to the City of Luuq in 1895:
It essentially shows what i said before:
As for the Gabooye , this is not a single clan but an umbrella term historically used to describe occupational groups. Many of these communities hail from the larger Somali clan families and were traditionally involved in artisanal, leatherwork, and other crafts.
Historically, Somali society designated specific economic tasks to smaller subgroups as part of a broader system of interdependence. This was not marginalization , it was a survival mechanism common to many complex societies. Delegation of such roles was part of broader social organization, not unique to minorities. It's called economic specialization.
Craftsmanship in Somalia wasn’t the domain of a single group .Artisanal work in Somalia has always been divided between urban and rural production. Urban artisans were organized into guilds and crafted goods professionally for commercial markets, while rural producers created for local or subsistence use.
When subclans like the Bimaal or Hiraab moved into the coastal cities in the 16th and 17th centuries, a segment of them , like the Kafari and Giungi, adopted urban artisanal crafts.
You can see this pattern continued into the 20th century, as rural people migrated to the larger cities and adopted technical and manual trades.
Today, manual labor and technical work is found among all urban Somali populations , it is widespread, not limited to a singular community. There is no exclusive ownership of crafts or labor roles.
He also mention “nobility” as if urban versus pastoral or occupational versus clan identity creates moral superiority.
And ironically, while he tries to reject clan systems, he doesn't seem to realize artisan guilds in Somali cities often mirrored those very clan-based structures, with similar internal organization, codes of conduct, and collective responsibilities.
Even more telling, these artisan groups often operated in industries centered on pastoral products hides, wool, tools tying them closely to the broader Somali pastoral economy and values.
In truth, there’s no rigid divide in mentality between rural and urban Somalis. Many of the values , cooperation, reciprocity, decentralization , are shared across the spectrum. If anything, the Somali clan structure was historically integrative, designed to promote mutual dependency, security, and shared resources. Even foreigners and small clans were afforded protection and autonomy within these frameworks.
That post actually reveals more about the poster's own bitterness than Somali history. Much of it is rooted in unresolved tensions and trauma from the civil war, resentment over power dynamics in the current federal government, displacement and dispossession many Somali families suffered and identity politics fueled by a perception of marginalization.
But projecting resentment onto entire populations or rewriting history only fuels division and deepens social fragmentation.
Somalia’s strength has always come from its decentralized yet cooperative systems , you can see that clearly in how the private sector operates today. That same model of shared interest and inclusion is what our political culture should aspire to, people should advocate for this rather than perpetuating this urban-rural or majority-minority binary this guy is on about.
That’s the model Somalia should aspire to politically , a large, integrated cooperative, not one fractured by grievance politics and historical revisionism.
First, there’s no such thing as a “nomadic clan.” What you’re referring to is pastoralism one of several traditional Somali livelihoods. Major clan families like Darood, Hawiye, Dir, and Raxanweyn have historically engaged in a diverse range of economic activities, including trade, crafts, agriculture, and fishing. Some subclans were mobile pastoralists, while many were fully sedentary, depending on geography and historical context.
As for the Reer Xamar (or Benadiri), that’s a modern umbrella term referring to a confederation of lineages, many of which descend from established subclans within Hawiye, Darood (especially Ogaden), Dir, and Raxanweyn, not an isolated minority group.
The southern port towns they inhabited didn’t operate in some unique cultural vacuum. Mogadishu operated in ways similar to inland urban towns like Luuq or even Harar, engaging in weaving, goldsmithing, other metal works and structured commerce.
Luuq, for example, had its own weaving industry, gold, and silver industries and a well-regulated trade economy that used both local and foreign currency. It was a walled town ruled by a Sultan with an administration.
Newspaper of the first European visitors to the City of Luuq in 1895:
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It essentially shows what i said before:
As for the Gabooye , this is not a single clan but an umbrella term historically used to describe occupational groups. Many of these communities hail from the larger Somali clan families and were traditionally involved in artisanal, leatherwork, and other crafts.
Historically, Somali society designated specific economic tasks to smaller subgroups as part of a broader system of interdependence. This was not marginalization , it was a survival mechanism common to many complex societies. Delegation of such roles was part of broader social organization, not unique to minorities. It's called economic specialization.
Craftsmanship in Somalia wasn’t the domain of a single group .Artisanal work in Somalia has always been divided between urban and rural production. Urban artisans were organized into guilds and crafted goods professionally for commercial markets, while rural producers created for local or subsistence use.
When subclans like the Bimaal or Hiraab moved into the coastal cities in the 16th and 17th centuries, a segment of them , like the Kafari and Giungi, adopted urban artisanal crafts.
You can see this pattern continued into the 20th century, as rural people migrated to the larger cities and adopted technical and manual trades.
Today, manual labor and technical work is found among all urban Somali populations , it is widespread, not limited to a singular community. There is no exclusive ownership of crafts or labor roles.
He also mention “nobility” as if urban versus pastoral or occupational versus clan identity creates moral superiority.
And ironically, while he tries to reject clan systems, he doesn't seem to realize artisan guilds in Somali cities often mirrored those very clan-based structures, with similar internal organization, codes of conduct, and collective responsibilities.
Even more telling, these artisan groups often operated in industries centered on pastoral products hides, wool, tools tying them closely to the broader Somali pastoral economy and values.
In truth, there’s no rigid divide in mentality between rural and urban Somalis. Many of the values , cooperation, reciprocity, decentralization , are shared across the spectrum. If anything, the Somali clan structure was historically integrative, designed to promote mutual dependency, security, and shared resources. Even foreigners and small clans were afforded protection and autonomy within these frameworks.
That post actually reveals more about the poster's own bitterness than Somali history. Much of it is rooted in unresolved tensions and trauma from the civil war, resentment over power dynamics in the current federal government, displacement and dispossession many Somali families suffered and identity politics fueled by a perception of marginalization.
But projecting resentment onto entire populations or rewriting history only fuels division and deepens social fragmentation.
Somalia’s strength has always come from its decentralized yet cooperative systems , you can see that clearly in how the private sector operates today. That same model of shared interest and inclusion is what our political culture should aspire to, people should advocate for this rather than perpetuating this urban-rural or majority-minority binary this guy is on about.
That’s the model Somalia should aspire to politically , a large, integrated cooperative, not one fractured by grievance politics and historical revisionism.
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minorities don't lead in any other country why should that be different in Somalia
